Motus Mentis

Here are some further thoughts on the Corpus Christi police-standards issue that was the subject of our previous post.

A reasonable response might be:

Malcolm, you grumpy old fossil: can’t you see the obvious benefits of putting women on the police force? Women, who handle social interactions and conflict very differently from the “rough men” you extol, bring a complementary set of skills and competencies to the job, and thereby enhance the effectiveness of the force.

Perhaps so, and I certainly wouldn’t argue that there’s no place on the police force for women.

The Justice department’s beef with Corpus Christi has to do with the percentages of women applicants admitted to the force. One of the following relevant statements must be true:

A) Women are statistically identical to men as regards all important skills and competencies.
B) Women are not statistically identical to men as regards all important skills and competencies.

Do we not these days hear a steady drumbeat of protest against sex-based hiring preferences (except, of course, in order to harass employers in fields where women are considered to be “under-represented”)? Is this not based on option A): the modern liberal assumption that women are effectively identical to men in every way, and so for an employer to prefer one sex over the other for a given job is vile, and completely unjustifiable, Discrimination?

But this is, of course, completely at odds with the hypothetical objection above, which was that women differ from men in their skills and competencies, and that this difference is exactly what makes adding them to the police force so important.

Indeed A) cannot possibly be true, because if women did not exhibit systematic inferiority as regards the skills and competencies measured by the current Corpus Christi P.D. fitness test, the Justice department would have no basis for its complaint.

So, our hypothetical objection clearly asserts B): women do differ from men as regards their skills and competencies, but what they do well is useful to the police force, and so they should be included.

This is reasonable, and indeed I agree. But within any organization, employee roles that require different skills and competencies are usually considered to be different jobs, with different hiring criteria. For example, in the IT departments of modern companies there are programmers, network administrators, and database specialists. When staffing these positions, the company will apply different criteria to determine how many of each are needed, what each job is worth, and how best to screen applicants.

So if we accept the objection above, then, on the basis described, wouldn’t the most reasonable approach be for the police department to define two different jobs, suited to the admittedly different skills and competencies of men and women — and then to determine how many of each type are needed, what the appropriate screening criteria should be, and what salaries to pay for each?

One of these job descriptions would require the obvious “rough man” package: physical size and strength, with the potential for intimidation and success in physical restraint of violent perps that these qualities entail; willingness to take on high levels of physical stress and risk, and so on. For them, the screening test would be the same as it has always been. The other would make use of whatever special qualities we think women bring to the force: a gentler style of conflict resolution, perhaps, or whatever else we imagine there is about women officers that offsets their obvious (and easily measurable) physical shortcomings in comparison to males. Using a different screening test for female candidates would also have the advantage of forcing the bureaucracy to define and quantify just what it is that makes us so enthusiastic about having women on the force in the first place, and to devise a test that measures these qualities in a meaningful way.

In other words: lowering the physical-fitness standards for candidates obviously diminishes the quality of the force in an easily understood and quantifiable way. To justify doing so, there should be some compensatory benefit. If the compensatory benefit is that women, being different from men, bring other valuable qualities to the police force, then let’s figure out what those qualities are and how to quantify them, determine how many officers of that sort we actually need, and devise an appropriate screening test for female candidates. This seems to me the most obvious, and most rational, solution.

Nobody will choose it, however. This is because the premises that such an approach is based on — that there are in fact statistically significant differences in skills and competencies between men and women, and that in order to build the most effective police force we can we should recognize these differences and incorporate them into our hiring policies — violate not just one, but three fundamental principles of modern liberal culture.

The first is principle A) above: that there are in fact no important differences between men and women.

The second is that, to the extent that there are stubborn differences between men and women, to allow these differences to be reflected in “under-representation” of women in any area of the workplace is pernicious sexism. If, on average, women don’t perform as well at some quantifiable skill as men, then under principle A) that skill is by definition irrelevant to the job at hand, and for employers to rely on high competence in that skill to qualify job applicants should be, in the DOJ’s plain language, “unlawful”.

The third, and most destructive, is the wholesale rejection of the traditional view of public agencies such as the police department and the military: to wit, that their whole purpose is to enforce the law and to fight wars, and that therefore all hiring criteria should be highly selective, and based solely on assembling the organization that best serves its mission. Under the radical inversion of this view that now has the upper hand in political discourse, the primary mission — nay, the very raison d’Áªtre — of such public agencies is instead to provide a stringently non-discriminatory job market and venue for self-actualization, open to all, in which maximal Diversity is the summum bonum. If standards need to be lowered along the way to make that happen, then lowered they will be.

Under this view, then, everyone has a “right” to be a police officer, and those females who didn’t make the cut were “unlawfully” “screened out”, and deprived of the “opportunity” to which they were entitled.

This is not, however, a principled position, or at least not if we stop there. Let’s say we eliminate the pull-up test, because it discriminates against women. Social Justice achieved, right? Not so fast. Still “screened out” are the blind, the deaf, hemiplegics, quadraplegics, and shoals of others who, through no fault of their own, are still denied their rightful “opportunity” to serve their communities behind badge and truncheon. What about them?

The answer is: it’s no easy walk to Freedom, friends. There’s always more work to do.

Forward!