The other day I was out for a walk in Prospect Park and ran across this:
I was reminded of this, which is 39,000 years old:
Some things never change, I guess.
We all have a lot to be thankful for, even in these uncertain times (and when were the times ever not uncertain?).
I’m grateful to all of you for reading and commenting. Enjoy this special day — my favorite holiday of the year.
Curtis Yarvin, a.k.a. “Mencius Moldbug”, has published the second installment of his five-part “Clear Pill” essay series over at The American Mind. The new essay is about how coordinated, pervasive error enters the national culture in distributed, democratic societies — i.e., without the top-down influence of centralized, authoritarian control.
The essay is long — in true Moldbuggian form, longer than it needs to be — but the gist is this: that, in contrast to authoritarian societies in which public opinion and permissible narratives are controlled and synchronized from above, some other mechanism must be at work to achieve the same effect in democracies. Mr. Yarvin’s essay is an attempt to provide a theory for this.
We read:
Logically, either liberal democracies are inherently free from pervasive error or some other mechanism can cause pervasive error in liberal democracies.
Liberal democracies have no dictator, no center, and no point of coordination. We’re looking for a mechanism which could cause pervasive error without central coordination: Gleichschaltung without Goebbels.
In the 21st-century Western model of government, elite consensus is set by a market for ideas. This consensus narrative drives public policy, which exists within the reality of the consensus. If this market somehow malfunctioned…
Let’s posit that a normal First World civil service will always implement reasonable policy relative to the truth in which it operates. Yet if the market for ideas fails, and generates a delusional narrative, policies that are competent and reasonable within this illusion may prove incompetent and unreasonable in reality.
Good so far. We can see this happening all around us.
Let’s focus, therefore, on the integrity of the public narrative—which is generally developed outside the civil service proper.
On a helicopter there is a part called a “Jesus nut,” because it holds the rotor to the driveshaft. This little steel ring is all that stands between you and the next world. In the modern democracies, markets for truth perform a comparable function. They are all that stand between us and Orwellian mass delusion, homicidal or otherwise.
Anything this important is in a very real way sacred. And indeed many seem to engage their spiritual instincts with these markets. This is understandable but erroneous. Don’t pray to the Jesus nut—inspect it for cracks.
A market for ideas is a machine. The purpose of the machine is to reject error and discover truth. The presence of pervasive error in the output tray of the machine indicates malfunction. This malfunction is an engineering failure and can be debugged as such. No mystical sentiment at all needs to be engaged.
Yarvin asks how, exactly, a crowd-sourced idea market — in which the “crowd” consists of top-tier elites and influencers — detects truth. His opinion is that it does so by using beauty as a proxy for truth:
Every idea market is an aesthetic device. It selects for the most beautiful ideas—according to the taste of its audience. A market measures desire; desire is beauty in action. And by measuring beauty we measure truth, because truth (like my man Keats said) is beautiful.
Seen from an aesthetic perspective, every idea is a story. A marketplace of ideas is a market for stories. An idea can be any kind of story, factual or fictional; even a song or a film. All creative markets are affected by the phenomena we will describe. But the most important idea markets are those which claim to tell a story, both true and truly illustrative, about the real world. Abusing English only slightly, we may term these histories. The definition is broad enough to include all of science—or, as once it was known, natural history.
Our consensus narrative of reality is the output product of the machine which is our market for beautiful histories. From the perspective of our collective epistemic security, the integrity of this mechanism is of the highest possible importance.
It is easy to see the exploitable vulnerability. Is a market for beautiful histories always a market for veracious histories? Yes, because truth is beautiful and lies are ugly. And—no, because other qualities might also be beautiful. These qualities cannot cancel the Keats effect. But if they could overpower it, the result would be a beautiful lie.
Is beauty really what an idea-market must use to detect truth? I’m not so sure, but Mr. Yarvin seems to be “all in” on this:
An idea market can only measure truth by measuring beauty. If beauty is not truth, we assume, beauty is truth plus white noise. Given a sufficiently large audience of high average quality, these individual quirks of taste will cancel out, leaving only the consistent, high-quality truth promised in the brochure.
This assumption had better be true! If deviations from truth are not white noise, but their own coherent signal, averaging will not filter them out at all. These signals will pass through the market and emerge in the output, competing with truth.
Any such competing aesthetic signal is an attack vector on the integrity of any truth market. Only beauty can be measured. Any divergence between truth and beauty can be exploited.
“Only beauty can be measured.” Is that true? (Related question, I suppose: Is it beautiful?) I can certainly agree that beauty can (and does) introduce bias — but to the exclusion of everything else? I doubt it; especially in a crowd-sourced system such as is described here. But to accept for now the article’s argument, maybe bias is enough. There’s certainly no question that the aesthetic appeal of a proposition can, because we are emotional beings, affect its truth-valence. In this way, we might come to prefer a beautiful lie to an ugly truth.
Next comes the question: What can give a proposition emotional appeal? What, in addition to truth itself, might make some of the competitors in the idea-market more beautiful than others? Here Mr. Yarvin draws on the classical Greek concepts of thymos (which I’ve usually seen spelled thumos), pistos, and agape. (Loosely translated, these mean spirited ambition, loyalty/honor, and altruistic empathy, respectively.) That which appeals to any of these will be colored with emotional appeal, and so, when ideas are set loose in the elite’s marketplace, there is a security flaw: we may overrate them enough to successfully bias the market against more truthful ideas.
Mr. Yarvin illustrates this, convincingly enough, with a look at climate science — making, along the way, the important point that the same effects of ambition and loyalty-to-the-master that might make us leery of Exxon scientists’ reporting on climate change would also apply to any other scientist affiliated with any institution or faction whatsoever. The only exceptions to this are truly abstract disciplines such as mathematics, whose truths are by their nature orthogonal to society and politics:
[W]e actually know nothing about anything, except math and super-hard science.
The conclusion, then, is that there is a design flaw in the way our distributed system detects truth:
Any despotism is the tyranny of error. No one sensible could possibly mind a benevolent dictator who was also always right.
Distributed systems are hard. It’s amazing when they work at all. We shouldn’t be surprised to see failure modes. But nor should we have to live with, or be ruled by, pervasive error.
So we should admit that distributed despotism is caused by the way power poisons truth markets. Putting a truth market in power is unsound political engineering. A previously reliable machine will start to evolve pretty lies. This is a slow and degenerative process which cannot be reversed.
Putting a church in charge of the government is not putting God in charge of the government. Putting a truth market in charge of the government is not putting truth in charge of the government.
Returning to our original comparison between centralized and distributed despotisms—dictatorship and democracy, platypus and man—it’s remarkable how these very different systems converge on the same “track-aligning” effect, repressing thoughts that challenge the regime, promoting ones that flatter it. Yet distributed evolution does often uncannily mimic central design.
Power is power. Through some pyramid of bureaucrats, the Central Committee ordered Havel’s greengrocer to display in his window their official slogan: “workers of the world, unite.” Do not our stores have such slogans in their windows? I see them every day; don’t you? They even come preprinted in all the right colors.
Yet our slogans are not so standard, nor our cadre so pyramidal. This is no flaw of power, but its dazzling perfection. The entire system, whose objective strength we just compared to the Czech secret police, formally does not exist at all. Very cool.
Yarvin closes with this:
We end (for now) with a paradox on a long horizon. Consider this cycle:
— The intellectual command economy rules. Public opinion is directed by a dogmatic bureaucracy, rife with pervasive error, systematically incapable of changing its mind.
— An unofficial free market for truth evolves. This market cannot be poisoned by power, because it has no power. It develops a higher-quality product than the official narrative.
— A new epistemic elite arises. The old intellectual bureaucracy, smart enough to sense its own inferiority, hands power to the new truth market. A new golden age begins.
— Dogmatic bureaucracy returns. Slowly and inevitably poisoned by power, the once-vibrant civil society slowly ossifies into a dogmatic bureaucracy, evolving more and more pretty lies until pervasive error is again the norm.
Western civilization has been repeating this story over and over for roughly the last half-millennium. At each step in the cycle, there is no clear way to prevent the next.
There’s much more; you should read the whole thing, here. In particular, I didn’t touch on Mr. Yarvin’s discussion of agape, and I have questions about the apparent misfiring of empathy that seems to be a hallmark of the modern West. (I’ll save those for another post, though.)
The most obvious criticism of this model is the one I mentioned above, and is really not a criticism of the idea of the vulnerability of a crowd-powered truth-market to emotional bias: it is the idea that the effect is so overwhelmingly strong — “only beauty can be measured” — that it defeats rational methods of truth-checking our ideas. After all, Mr. Yarvin assumes that it’s obvious to us that much of what drives policy consists of “beautiful lies” — and so it is. How is it, then, that he and we can see them, while “elites” can’t? I suppose his answer would be that we who see them are the ones who are not in a position to be biased toward them by ambition, or loyalty to our particular masters, or the appropriate concept of altruism. And perhaps it is so.
Mr. Yarvin acknowledges that his is a sympathetic position, in that he doesn’t suppose that the affected elites are knowingly, and cynically, promulgating these beautiful lies as lies; he gives them the benefit of the doubt:
A lie is not a fiction; it pretends to be true. All the tilt in the world cannot make a truth market endorse a naked fiction.
Of course, some people are sociopaths. They actually find lies inherently pretty, useful, or both. Sociopaths are rare and hard to wrangle, and it is hard to imagine a pure audience of them. There are always enough sociopaths to fill a niche, never enough to fill a room. So it is hard for sociopaths to sway a market. (If you imagine that there is some party, tribe, class, or nation of sociopaths, this is very sad and you should stop.)
…[Arguments against those who promulgate pretty lies] are too often stated as indictments, implying systemic mens rea. This deep factual error is deeply enfeebling… I, too, dislike progressives. But they are normal people, not evil zombies.
Once you’ve read the article, here’s an exercise: consider the prevailing “beautiful lie” of our age, namely “Diversity is our strength”. How, according to Mr. Yarvin’s model, did the action of thumos, pistos, and agape cause the truth-market machine to produce such a bad result? What was the input — historical, social, or otherwise — that led to such faulty output?
Sorry for the thin content here lately. Now and then I just don’t have much to say: I’ve written 5,030 posts over the past 14 years, and sometimes I feel as if anything I’d write would, at this point, just be repeating myself. (And then the muse grants me her favor once again, and I’m back to clogging the Internet with blather and heresy. Soon, I hope.)
Obviously there is the impeachment circus to comment on, but I don’t really have a lot to say about that, other than to note, first, how astonishingly flimsy the whole thing is and how deranged the Democrats are to do what they are doing; and second, how surreal the partisan divide has now become: we have moved way beyond any hope of normalization or reconciliation. Over the next twelve months, as Schiff, Nadler, et al. try to hound Mr. Trump out of office, the Barr team reveals the results of its investigations, and we descend again into the quadrennial hysteria of a presidential campaign, the American cauldron will seethe and boil with a vehemence that we haven’t seen, perhaps, since the 1850s. And: no matter what happens in the election, things won’t simmer down.
Back soon.
Staying on message from our Bowie post of a few days ago, here’s a story about Life On Mars — and not just lichens or something, but bugs.
Steve Sailer famously said that “political correctness is a war on noticing”.
There are patterns to reality so stubborn and prevalent that they enable us to make more or less reliable predictions. This is “induction”: reasoning, from accretion of the particular, to general rules that we believe in with increasing confidence as the data accumulate.
When we do this about people, though, we get ourselves in trouble with the guardians of political correctness, even though the regularities are often as persistent as any we find elsewhere in nature. (There are exceptions to this prohibition, of course, as any heterosexual white male can tell you these days).
I thought a little doggerel might help sum things up, so here it is:
“I’m fine with induction,
When it brings me good news –
But I’ll raise quite a ruction
When it breaks my taboos.”
A little while back I had David Bowie’s 1977 song Heroes — probably my favorite of all his songs, and that’s saying something — stuck in my head. I thought it might be fun to go downstairs to the studio and see if I could knock it off on my own.
Here’s a rough mix of the result. (All instruments and vocals by yours truly.)
Audio Player
P.S. Headphones or proper speakers, if you’d be so kind — please don’t listen on those ratty little laptop speakers. Thanks.
I see that Pete Buttigieg is now leading the pack of Democratic candidates in polls for the Iowa caucus.
I don’t think Mr. Buttigieg, should he win the nomination, will do very well at all against Donald Trump in the general election. It should go without saying that we would not even know his name if he were not gay (I’m sorry, but please don’t kid yourself that this isn’t so, any more than Barack Obama would have leapt into the White House had he been white), but I remarked to myself a while back that I think he might even be a more plausible candidate if he actually seemed more gay than he does. We’re used to that sort of gay man, and it’s kind of mainstream now.
As it happens, the same thing occurred to none other than “Bronze Age Pervert”, who I’ve mentioned here recently. In a recent podcast he had this to say:
But you see, [Buttigieg] is more disturbing to a normal American than let’s say a gay queeny guy would be. I think that gay effeminate queeny guy, by now most people would be – if they’re not OK with that, at least they’re tolerant, at least they’re understanding.
But a so-called masculine gay of this type – [Buttigieg] isn’t exactly “masculine.” It’s something else. It sets off serious psycho-alarms for most people not caught up in the way of delusion of the pseudo-polite society… I may talk about this another time, but among homosexuals, the so-called gay top – excuse me for talking such things, but this isn’t a family show, after all – but the so-called gay top is far more disturbing than the queeny effeminate gay.
We have already recognized this phenomenon in robotics; we call it the “Uncanny Valley”. I hope you will forgive me for applying this metaphor here — Pete Buttigieg is, after all, not a robot — but I think that when it comes to a great many ordinary American voters, a similar psychological mechanism will be in play, and it won’t help his chances.
Commenting on our previous item about immigrant gangs in Sweden, and the wave of bombings and shootings they have brought to that previously peaceful nation, reader “Whitewall” offered up this link, from the BBC:
Sweden’s 100 explosions this year: What’s going on?
The first subheading asks:
Who is to blame?
If you thought they might actually tell you, ha! — you’re new at this. Instead, we get:
“Bangers, improvised explosives and hand grenades” are behind most of the blasts, says Linda H Straaf, head of intelligence at Sweden’s National Operations Department.
Oh! I thought there might have been people to blame.
“It’s very new in Sweden, and we are looking for knowledge around the world,” says Mats Lovning, head of the National Operations Department.
For criminologist Amir Rostami, who has researched the use of hand grenades in Sweden, the only relevant comparison is Mexico, plagued by gang violence.
“This is unique in countries that pretty much don’t have a war or don’t have a long history of terrorism,” he says.
Gosh, what changed?
… 25 people were hurt when a block of flats was targeted in the central town of Linkoping…”If it was targeted then to be honest it makes us feel safer, because then the attack was not aimed to harm the public,” says Ms Bradshaw, hoping it was not a random attack.
Well yes, that’s a blessing. Almost as good as no gang bombings in your neighborhood at all, really.
The article finally does, it seems, ask the pressing question:
Who are Sweden’s criminal gangs?
Yes! That’s what we want to know!
Here’s the answer:
Swedish police do not record or release the ethnicity of suspects or convicted criminals, but intelligence chief Linda H Straaf says many do share a similar profile.
No profile in particular, mind you, just “similar”.
For some reason, the article then mentions… immigration. (Given what we’ve been told so far, I can’t imagine why this would be relevant in a piece about “Swedish gangs”, but there it is anyway.)
Ideological debates about immigration have intensified since Sweden took in the highest number of asylum seekers per capita in the EU during the migrant crisis of 2015. But Ms Straaf says it is “not correct” to suggest new arrivals are typically involved in gang networks.
Whereas it would be correct to say that gang networks overwhelmingly involve new arrivals. So we won’t say that.
It is just fantastic to see how much of modern “journalism” consist of not saying things that everybody knows. (And by the way, whatever you do, don’t mention Eric Ciaramella.)
Serious question: How much longer can this go on?
Denmark has now instituted border checks with Sweden in response to Sweden’s inability to control its tide of violent crime. According to The Guardian:
Denmark has temporarily reinstated checks at its border crossings with Sweden after a spate of bombings and shootings in the Copenhagen area that authorities say were carried out by members of Swedish gangs.
The spot checks at ferry ports and on trains and vehicles crossing the Øresund bridge separating the Danish capital from Malmö, Sweden’s third-largest city, were aimed at “preventing serious and organised crime from spreading”, the police said. All travellers should be prepared to show identification, they added.
Lene Frank of the national police said: “We are targeting organised crime and aim for normal travellers to be affected as little as possible by the border control. Officers will be focused on cross-border crime involving explosives, weapons and drugs.”
You’re probably saying to yourself: “But I thought the Swedes were just mild-mannered, peaceful people who drive Volvos and shop at Ikea. What’s all this about ‘Swedish gangs’?”
You don’t hear, for some reason, that these gangs — for example, “Shottaz” and the “Death Patrol”, who like to resolve their differences with AK-47s and hand grenades — are made up of Somali Muslims and other recent African and Mideastern immigrants. To The Guardian, though, they are simply “Swedish gangs”.
Makes sense, I suppose. People might get ideas.
I’m back in Wellfleet, after an interesting weekend in Baltimore.
It’s snowing here — on November 12th. The temperature is supposed to drop well down into the twenties overnight.
I have a feeling, on no particular authority, that it’s going to be a long, cold winter.
I’ll be in Baltimore this weekend at the annual conference of the H. L. Mencken Club, and driving back to Cape Cod on Monday. Should get back to business here after that.
Michael Vlahos, who for years now has been discussing with John Batchelor the possibility and growing likelihood of a third American civil war, now has a new article up at The American Conservative. He writes about the steps that lead to a crisis of constitutional legitimacy, at which point the outcome is determined by a struggle of force. We are well along the way, and may already have crossed the “event horizon”.
Does all this talk of civil war seem overheated? Ask yourself: looking at the current chasm in American politics, the fundamentally incompatible visions of America the two sides hold, the degree of dehumanizing hatred they show for each other, the bloody damage already done, and the implacable fury with which they grapple for every atom of power, can we imagine some way forward in which the Right and Left just “bury the hatchet” and “hug it out”?
Of course not. This fight continues, and intensifies, until either one side is destroyed, or we work out some kind of divorce.
I repost below a post of my own, from June of this year, about the forms of civil war, and the nature of “event horizons”.
In David Armistead’s fascinating and insightful book Civil Wars: A History in Ideas, the author distinguishes three kinds of civil war: “successionist”, “supersessionist”, and “secessionist”.
Successionist civil wars are those that are fought over which individual shall sit atop a nation’s institutional hierarchy. The king dies. Who will succeed him? In this sort of war the body of the nation’s government and institutions are not at issue, only which head shall wear the crown. History is replete with these conflicts, such as the War of the Roses.
In supersessionist civil wars, the form of the nation itself is at stake. The population has divided itself into two bitterly antagonistic parts, fighting not over the crown, but for the territory the nation occupies. Such a civil war might pit a monarch and his loyalists against rebels who want to replace the whole system. Think of France in 1789, or Russia in 1917.
In a secessionist civil war, the population occupying one part of the nation’s territory declares itself a separate body, and seeks to sever itself from the rest — taking the territory along with it. That’s what happened in America’s so-called “Revolutionary” war.
What’s the difference, then, between a revolution and a civil war? After reading Armistead’s book, it seems to me that “revolution” is just a name that the victors sometimes give to a successionist (e.g., 1688), secessionist (1775), or supersessionist (1789) civil war that the rebels win. It makes the whole thing sound more “glorious”.
Civil war, then, is a genus with (at least) three species. This raises the question: if we are heading into another civil war in America — Civil War III — what type is it?
We generally haven’t had problems with succession in America, until recently. Elections have been ugly at times, but we’ve always had a peaceful transfer of power. (That’s no small thing!) But starting with the 2000 election, that’s been changing — and the election of Donald Trump has been bitterly contested since the day it happened.
What has also been happening in recent decades, and accelerating briskly, is the division of the American population into two distinct bodies. One seeks to conserve and restore the traditional nation and institutions, while the other despises it all, and wants it gone. It seeks to displace or replace the founding ethnic and cultural stock, the Electoral College, much of the Constitution, and the fundamental American idea of a limited government that exists only to secure our natural rights, while maximizing liberty otherwise. Because the two factions disagree not merely about questions of leadership and policy, but about the very axioms of nationhood, citizenship and the purpose of government that define the polis itself, there is no basis for comity or compromise. Moreover, the visceral antipathy between the two sides grows deeper, and more dehumanizing, every day: we’ve already reached the point where many people, especially on the Left, reject any possibility of comity or fellow-feeling for their political and cultural opponents. This all falls very squarely into the supersessionist category.
When things really get hot, however, the nation may well break apart — it’s far too big to be well-governed at the level of centralization that has already occurred — and a general bloodbath might perhaps be averted by some sort of regional, secessionist process. It’s hard to see how that can work, though, as Red and Blue are so hopelessly intermingled, county by county.
Here’s something else to think about: when you’re heading into a civil war, you don’t always know, at the time, that you’ve crossed the point of no return. To say when a civil war actually became inevitable is only possible in retrospect. Because I’ve “never metaphor I didn’t like”, I’ll draw one from astrophysics:
Surrounding a black hole is what’s called the Schwarzschild radius. In a sense it’s the “surface” of a black hole; it’s the distance from the singularity at which the gravitational pull becomes so intense that the escape velocity equals the speed of light. Once you cross it, you can’t get out: nothing, not even light or information, can escape. All spacetime paths within the Schwarzschild radius must pass through the singularity itself. But this fateful boundary isn’t a hard surface of any sort — in fact, if you are falling into the black hole yourself, you might not even notice as you cross it. It’s just that once you have, you are headed for that singularity, whether you like it or not. There’s no turning back.
What all this means is that it’s too soon to know what species of civil war the next one will be, or whether it might still be avoided. (I’m not very optimistic about that, but I suppose we may still be flying just outside the fatal boundary.) Only time will tell. As I’ve written before, a civil war is nothing to hope for — but keep your powder dry.
I’ve been reading Orthodoxy, by G.K. Chesterton. Reading in the Kindle makes it possible to highlight passages, and pick them up online (which saves a lot of copying by hand). Here are some of the ones I’ve selected so far:
‣ If you argue with a madman, it is extremely probable that you will get the worst of it; for in many ways his mind moves all the quicker for not being delayed by the things that go with good judgment.
‣ The madman is not the man who has lost his reason. The madman is the man who has lost everything except his reason.
‣ Now, speaking quite externally and empirically, we may say that the strongest and most unmistakable MARK of madness is this combination between a logical completeness and a spiritual contraction. The lunatic’s theory explains a large number of things, but it does not explain them in a large way.
‣ Take first the more obvious case of materialism. As an explanation of the world, materialism has a sort of insane simplicity. It has just the quality of the madman’s argument; we have at once the sense of it covering everything and the sense of it leaving everything out. Contemplate some able and sincere materialist… and you will have exactly this unique sensation. He understands everything, and everything does not seem worth understanding. His cosmos may be complete in every rivet and cog-wheel, but still his cosmos is smaller than our world. Somehow his scheme, like the lucid scheme of the madman, seems unconscious of the alien energies and the large indifference of the earth; it is not thinking of the real things of the earth, of fighting peoples or proud mothers, or first love or fear upon the sea. The earth is so very large, and the cosmos is so very small. The cosmos is about the smallest hole that a man can hide his head in.
‣ The morbid logician seeks to make everything lucid, and succeeds in making everything mysterious. The mystic allows one thing to be mysterious, and everything else becomes lucid… [A]nother symbol from physical nature will express sufficiently well the real place of mysticism before mankind. The one created thing which we cannot look at is the one thing in the light of which we look at everything.
‣ The modern world is full of the old Christian virtues gone mad. The virtues have gone mad because they have been isolated from each other and are wandering alone.
‣ A man was meant to be doubtful about himself, but undoubting about the truth; this has been exactly reversed… the old humility made a man doubtful about his efforts, which might make him work harder. But the new humility makes a man doubtful about his aims, which will make him stop working altogether.
‣ [T]here is a great and possible peril to the human mind: a peril as practical as burglary. Against it religious authority was reared, rightly or wrongly, as a barrier. And against it something certainly must be reared as a barrier, if our race is to avoid ruin. That peril is that the human intellect is free to destroy itself. Just as one generation could prevent the very existence of the next generation, by all entering a monastery or jumping into the sea, so one set of thinkers can in some degree prevent further thinking by teaching the next generation that there is no validity in any human thought.
‣ Thus when Mr. Wells says (as he did somewhere), “All chairs are quite different,” he utters not merely a misstatement, but a contradiction in terms. If all chairs were quite different, you could not call them “all chairs.” [Note: here GKC places blame for our condition on nominalism, just as Richard Weaver did in hos book Ideas Have Consequences. See this post from three years ago.]
‣ Akin to these is the false theory of progress, which maintains that we alter the test instead of trying to pass the test.
‣ Pragmatism is a matter of human needs; and one of the first of human needs is to be something more than a pragmatist.
‣ We have all read in scientific books, and, indeed, in all romances, the story of the man who has forgotten his name. This man walks about the streets and can see and appreciate everything; only he cannot remember who he is. Well, every man is that man in the story. Every man has forgotten who he is. One may understand the cosmos, but never the ego; the self is more distant than any star… We have all forgotten what we really are. All that we call common sense and rationality and practicality and positivism only means that for certain dead levels of our life we forget that we have forgotten. All that we call spirit and art and ecstasy only means that for one awful instant we remember that we forget.
‣ I have remarked that the materialist, like the madman, is in prison; in the prison of one thought. These people seemed to think it singularly inspiring to keep on saying that the prison was very large. The size of this scientific universe gave one no novelty, no relief. The cosmos went on for ever, but not in its wildest constellation could there be anything really interesting; anything, for instance, such as forgiveness or free will. The grandeur or infinity of the secret of its cosmos added nothing to it. It was like telling a prisoner in Reading gaol that he would be glad to hear that the gaol now covered half the county. The warder would have nothing to show the man except more and more long corridors of stone lit by ghastly lights and empty of all that is human. So these expanders of the universe had nothing to show us except more and more infinite corridors of space lit by ghastly suns and empty of all that is divine.
‣ But a man is not really convinced of a philosophic theory when he finds that something proves it. He is only really convinced when he finds that everything proves it.
The Bronze Age Mindset discussion at The American Mind has become a symposium.
Of particular interest to me at the moment is Dan DeCarlo’s entry, An Epic Pervert, because it takes on, albeit in passing, something that I’ve been stewing over for some time now: is the natural-law/natural-rights theory of the American Founding sustainable without belief in God? The question has bothered me rather acutely since reading Thomas West’s The Political Theory of the American Founding, and since engaging with the book’s reviewer, Michael Anton, by email (and in these pages), a year ago.
In a conversation about this in an online forum, Bill Vallicella suggested one could assert that natural rights are philosophical abstracta:
Why not say that natural rights are just ‘there’ independently of the dictates of gods or mortals, and independently of their being respected or violated? Analogy: there are necessary truths, among them, the truths of logic and mathematics. A necessary truth is true in all possible worlds. Consider a world W in which there are no minds and no physical items either. Is the true proposition that there are even primes true in W? It is plausible to say Yes. But if the proposition is true in W, then it exists in W. (Anti-Meinong: an item x cannot have a property unless x exists.) Now if a truth can exist in the absence of mind (whether finite or divine) and matter, why can’t rights?
Think of a right as a kind of abstract object. If abstracta in general can exist apart from mind and matter, why not rights?
He continued:
From a practical-political POV, bringing God into political discussions in a pluralistic society is not advisable. It only incites leftists. For example, it is a mistake to bring God into the abortion debate since a powerful case against abortion can be made without the invocation of any religious premise. Why poke a pig with an unnecessary stick? Similarly, don’t say we get our rights from God. Stick to the negative claim that they don’t come from the state or from the Squad. Just say that rights such as the rights to life and liberty are natural, not conventional, and then go on to explain what could go wrong if rights are viewed as conferred by whomever is in power.
The problem with all of this is that it diverges dangerously from the political theory of the Founding. After all, it’s right there in the Declaration: “…endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights…”
The problem is this: we hear all the time that America is unique in history in that it is a “proposition nation”: a nation built on an idea, rather than the usual basis of ethnic kinship. But if that’s all that’s available to hold the nation together — we are told, loudly, every day, that it cannot possibly be anything else, and that to think otherwise is “deplorable” — then we need to be clear about what that ideas is. Thomas West has made an extremely compelling argument that the political theory of natural law and natural rights is the essential principle of the American Founding. But if this “proposition” is all that we have, then it needs either to be accepted as an axiom, or demonstrated as a theorem. Is this possible in America today?
What might have seemed axiomatic to most people in 1776 no longer does today. In a secular, pluralistic and deeply divided society, in which tradition means nothing and every cherished principle is to be brought into the dock and made to account for itself, it’s not enough just to say “I have discerned these natural rights to be abstractions that simply exist, as a brute fact.” After all, whoever you’re arguing with can just say in response, “Well, I don’t think they exist at all”. What then?
The Founders knew very well even that even in their own time, some sort of argument was needed in order to persuade the skeptical, and they had three. They were:
1) That the laws of nature, and therefore natural rights, were established by “the God of nature”: that because God exists and created the world, that he would also create laws by which it would be ordered. These laws are discoverable by reason, and can be trusted (and should be obeyed) because they come from God, the Creator of the world, the perfect exemplar of goodness, and the possessor of absolute wisdom about what is best for us.
2) That natural law is perceptible by our moral sense;
3) That the natural law is discoverable by reason, by considering the natural “fitness of things” — in particular the conduciveness of liberty to happiness. Under this head is the idea that while it is right and just for God, in his infinite omniperfection, to be sovereign over all men, men themselves are alike enough in their imperfections that none has an inherent right of sovereignty over another.
Three readily apparent objections are possible:
Argument 1) rests upon belief in God. This was not controversial in the late 1700s, but it is today. (Back then, someone making a political argument would try his best to adduce Divine grounding; now it’s something that one tries to avoid.)
Argument 2) doesn’t tell us why we ought to obey our moral sense, or whose moral determinations are to be believed.
Argument 3) immediately descends into utilitarian arguments, definitions of “happiness”, etc. (In an email to me, which I posted here, Michael Anton answered, in much the same way that Professor West does in his book, the question of just why it is that the obvious superiority — in wisdom, intelligence, character, and education — of some people over others does not give them as much of a defensible claim to sovereignty as, say, a parent has over a child. It is a good argument, but it is, however, a practical argument rather than a natural-rights argument, and the consequences of completely abandoning the idea there may be some justifiable discrimination in the popular distribution of sovereignty — some Democrats have seriously suggested extending the franchise to sixteen-year-olds — may in practice be worse than the toleration of some natural inequality. This difficulty is of course made much worse by the admission en masse of people with no natural aptitude for, or experience with, the forms and duties of republican government.)
Professor West, in chapter 4 of The Political Theory of the American Founding, takes up each of these arguments in turn, but allows that each one, running into the objections above, falls short of compelling agreement. Even 3), which he seems to think the strongest, can only be held, in Kantian terms, as a weaker sort of imperative (my italics):
In Kantian language, it leads to a hypothetical imperative (if you want to be happy, obey the laws of nature) rather than a categorical one (it is your moral duty to obey the laws of nature). The laws of nature, founded in reason’s judgment of what is useful for human life and happiness, become morally obligatory only when they take on a juridical or legal character. If moral laws are not commands, they are only suggestions…
I do not doubt that the founders believed in the sacredness of the rights of mankind. However, we must acknowledge that reason does not lead to moral absolutes, even if political life depends in some sense on the belief in moral absolutes.
And that’s my question: if the political life of a “proposition nation” depends upon belief in its propositions, and if all of those propositions rest upon a foundation of natural law and natural rights — i.e., discernable moral absolutes — then how can it survive without a compelling basis for belief in that foundation? And doesn’t belief in the American foundation, given the weakness of arguments 2) and 3) above, require belief in God?
Along with many of the other Founders, John Adams certainly thought so:
“Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other.”
The more pluralistic the society, and especially the more secular, the less chance there is of any sort of common agreement about the content of America’s essential principles — or, more to the point, about why we should believe in them at all. I am not at all confident that this can be fixed.
Heather Mac Donald has an article up at The New Criterion about racial preferences in college admissions, with particular attention to a case making its way to the Supreme Court that cites Harvard’s discrimination against Asians. Ms. Mac Donald argues that current SCOTUS jurisprudence on racial preferences is an incoherent mess, and that when the Court takes up this case it should simply chuck out its precedents and start over.
The article begins:
On September 30, a federal district court judge in Boston upheld Harvard’s use of racial preferences in undergraduate admissions against the challenge that they discriminate against Asian-Americans. The case — Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard College — will likely be appealed to the Supreme Court, the fifth time since 1978 that the Court has been asked to rule on racial admissions preferences. The Court should accept the appeal and, for the sake of its own institutional integrity, throw out its entire jurisprudence regarding college admissions. Pro-preference jurisprudence is an abomination, filled with patent fictions, logical contradictions, and vast gusts of rhetorical vapidity that should make any self-respecting jurist weep with despair. Its only purpose has been to paper over the vast academic skills gap between black students, on the one hand, and white and Asian students, on the other. In so doing, court doctrine has perpetuated the very problems it purports to solve.
You should read the whole thing, here. As usual, Ms. Mac Donald’s analysis is comprehensive, richly supported by data, and witheringly critical of the vaporous idealism, missionary zeal, and patronizing pieties of our prevailing secular religion.
Curtis Yarvin is back again at The American Mind. This time he is offering his own review, pace Michael Anton, of Bronze Age Mindset. (Have you read this book yet?)
Yarvin is aflame here. In this essay he argues that what truly drives culture — and downstream from culture, politics — is art: that cultural and political systems die when their aesthetic is exhausted, and that the birth of whatever is to succeed them is limned and adumbrated by the revolutionary act of imagining a new aesthetic of irresistible power and excellence.
Art, in the broadest possible sense—some might say content—is the bloodless weapon that can replace the world. The world cannot be won by force. She must be seduced by greatness.
Bronze Age Pervert, says Yarvin, knows this:
Like his ancestor Nietzsche, BAP is not “for” this, that, the other thing. His book is not a lecture but a fire. It does not teach, it burns; it is not words, but an act. And it has no message. But it does have a theme. The theme of Bronze Age Mindset is the smallness of the modern world—in mind, in space, in time.
A central theme of BAM is just this: that the aim of all life — or at least of everything that transcends what BAP calls “yeastlife” — is to master the space it inhabits. In Yarvin’s reading, BAP understands that the space a man of genuine life and awareness — and a culture appropriate to such men — must inhabit is not this shrunken, navel-gazing bubble of presentism that we see sawing off the past all around us, but the great space of all human ages. The review concludes:
The ocean is much larger than its surface. Most of it is an empty desert. As a mass of meat, a mere human army, the deep right is tiny.
Yet as a space—artistic, philosophical, literary, historical, even sometimes scientific—all fields that are ultimately arts—the deep right is much larger than the mainstream.
If we compare just the books published in 1919, to those published in 2019, we see a far wider range of perspectives. Almost all present ideas are also found in the past; but almost all ideas found in the past have vanished. Like languages, human traditions are disappearing—and a tradition is much easier to extinguish than a language.
The mainstream mind looks at its own bubble through a fisheye lens. The bubble is almost everything. All of outer space, all of history, is a tiny black fringe around it. This fringe is, of course, completely uninhabitable.
Yet in an even lens, the past is much bigger than the present. The deep right operates in deep history; it accepts no temporal or geographic boundaries. It thinks, with Ranke: all eras stand equal before God.
And if all eras are equal, so then are their ideas. Until we accept the prerevolutionary world, the old regime before this old regime, as valid and legitimate, we are not yet in contact with the true vastness of free intellectual space.
The theme of Bronze Age Mindset is that if you think your mind is broad and open, you are wrong. It is a tiny, hard lump, like a baby oyster—closed hard as cement by nothing but fear. “And the day came when the risk to remain tight in a bud was more painful than the risk it took to blossom.”
This message cannot be said. It must be shown—performed. And the only way to show it is for one author, a character yet more than a character, to display mastery of that space — the whole immense space of mind and time and space outside our increasingly absurd little “mainstream” bubble.
In time this will no longer be enough. In time, every no will have been said. A yes will be required. To escape is not just to escape, but, in the end, to build.
But every beginning belongs to itself. Now anyone can look out, outside the bubble, to see a fire burning in deep space, where nothing can live and no fire should be. And that, for today, is more than enough.
This is getting interesting. Read the review here. Also: BAP now has his own podcasts, here.
With a hat-tip to the indefatigable “JK”:
Michael Flynn’s new attorney, the formidable Sidney Powell, has filed a devastating motion-to-dismiss in the distinguished general’s defense. It lays bare the disgraceful chicanery that the government engaged in to set him up — a sickening and abusive conspiracy, for political ends, by rogue agents in the Justice Department.
Read it here.
Last night I noted that the DOJ’s investigation of the Russian-collusion hit-job had become a criminal investigation. The story was originally reported by the New York Times, which still pretends to be a “news” outlet.
It is, of course, nothing of the sort. Were the Times in the business of impartial reporting, it would have given us such facts as it had managed to discover, and left the political spin to the reader. Instead we get this headline:
Justice Dept. Is Said to Open Criminal Inquiry Into Its Own Russia Investigation
“Its own”? No, the investigation is into the machinations of the previous administration’s DOJ, under a completely different team of people, and a different president. By choosing this headline the editors are trying — desperately — to cast the investigation as an obvious absurdity, and to make it seem to be nothing more than distraction, a “wag the dog” PR scam by a president under withering attack.
There’s a sub-headline, too, that takes us already from news-reporting to partisan editorializing:
The move is likely to open the attorney general to accusations that he is trying to deliver a political victory for President Trump.
(To be as charitable as possible, I suppose one might say that this is actual reporting, because those “accusations” are going to come from … the New York Times.)
The story begins:
WASHINGTON — For more than two years, President Trump has repeatedly attacked the Russia investigation, portraying it as a hoax and illegal even months after the special counsel closed it.
“Repeatedly attacked…”? To quote a well-known Russian: “Who? Whom?”
“Even months after the special counsel closed it.” Well — if the Russia “investigation” was a hoax, and illegal (which the newly opened criminal investigation suggests that it may well have been), and it was aggressively pursued throughout the first two years of the current administration, with enormously destructive effect, then was Mr. Trump, who has known all along that the charges he was persecuted with were false, supposed to just forget about the whole thing once the special counsel closed it? Would you?
The opening of a criminal investigation is likely to raise alarms that Mr. Trump is using the Justice Department to go after his perceived enemies… Mr. Trump has made clear that he sees the typically independent Justice Department as a tool to be wielded against his political enemies. That view factors into the impeachment investigation against him, as does his long obsession with the origins of the Russia inquiry.
How can anyone, let alone a “news” reporter, write something like this with a straight face? The investigation is about the use of the “typically independent” Justice Department as a tool to be wielded against the Obama administration’s political enemies.
The answer, of course, is fear. Even the sainted Obama himself may be within the blast radius of this investigation, and the Times is willing to throw what’s left of its own reputation on the grenade.
This, then, is America’s “newspaper of record” in 2019: Pravda on the Hudson. (We all knew this already, of course, but I couldn’t let this latest example pass by in silence.)
It appears that the DOJ’s investigation of the origins of the Russia hoax has now become a criminal investigation.
Thank you, AG Barr. And about bloody time.
A few weeks ago, as I recovered from a bad cold, I posted a review, by Michael Anton, of the book Bronze Age Mindset, by an unknown author writing as “Bronze Age Pervert” (BAP). At the time I said:
The book is essentially a Nietzschean manifesto — though it describes itself not as a work of philosophy, but an “exhortation” — and it is above all a rousing paean to virility, hierarchy, and excellence, and a call to young men to shake off the bridling and feminizing narcotic of modernity. (You should read it, if you haven’t — take it from me, it’s really something.)
I’ll say it again: if you haven’t read Bronze Age Mindset, you should.
I was keenly interested to see Michael Anton reviewing this book. There is a small intellectual nexus that brackets what I consider the most interesting and fertile corners of the modern Right, and both BAP and Mr. Anton are part of it — along with a few others, including Curtis Yarvin and Thomas West. Between them they address, from different angles the most important political and philosophical questions of this moment in history: What is the place of the American Founding in the 21st century? Is the present crisis the result of inherent defects, or obsolescence, of the founding theory — meaning that we need to move on to something else — or is it that the founding principles remain sound, and that we must (and realistically can) find our way back to them? (In order to answer such questions about the theoretical principles of the Founding, it is necessary first to understand them, and this is why I — and Mr. Anton — think Thomas West’s recent book on the subject is important.) Are the essential American principles of natural law and natural rights sustainable in an era in which transcendent religion is dying? How can we awaken from our collective, hallucinatory fever before stubborn realities — Kipling’s “Gods of the Copybook Headings” — with “wrath and slaughter return”?
If I had to boil it all down to the two questions that vex me the most, they are: How on earth did we come to such a crisis? What are we to do?
At any rate, the members of this little “nexus”, interestingly, all seem to be getting together. (It was Curtis Yarvin, for example, who gave Mr. Anton a copy of Bronze Age Mindset.) And now BAP himself has responded, over at The American Mind, to Mr. Anton’s review. You should read the review before the response; if you haven’t yet, it’s here.
Here are some excerpts from BAP’s reply:
The problem Anton or other conservatives must face isn’t that my audience, or the “youth” in question doesn’t accept the principles of the American Founding, but that the left and thereby a large part of the establishment rejected these principles long ago. The left has been saying exactly what they plan to do for decades. They want to destroy your country, instill a death wish in the white population, set majorities against market-dominant minorities, atomize everyone: the British plan in Malaysia and a few other places but now applied domestically within a country.
…The left completely abandoned Americanism in the 1960’s; at this point they’ve also abandoned biological reality. Vitalism is all that is left against their demented biological Leninism. Encouraging health, normality, and physical nobility against their celebration of deformity, obesity, and sexual catamitism must be one of the basic functions of conservatism in our time. It is one of the reasons my message is powerful among many who are fed up with the left’s gospel of wretchedness: what is your plan to take that on?
There is a point at which, if you believe in the reality of nature, you must be ready to talk about actual nature as it exists in the world and not just “Nature” as a safe abstraction. If indeed the religion of our time is the belief in unquestioned human equality, the revolution in the biological sciences, genetics, and population genetics currently taking place will soon completely cut off its legs, even in public. In large part this has already happened, and no one believes in any real biological human equality any longer.
…We are now faced with a left that has embraced a dialectic of racial and class destruction in a context where belief in absolute human equality is professed at the same time that no one believes in it anymore. I don’t see how the vision of the Founders, widely dismissed as white nationalism even by “conservatives” when presented with its reality, has more political potential in our situation than Bronze Age perversion would.
Read the whole thing here.
Back in June, after one of the Democratic debates, I mentioned Tulsi Gabbard in generally approving terms. It was the first time I’d ever seen here, and she made a favorable impression on me — especially in comparison to the gibbering lunatics occupying the rest of the stage. A commenter suggested that she had some very odd things in her past, including involvement in a religious cult.
There appears to be something to this, and I just ran across this detailed item about it earlier today. Have a look.
I have no idea whether any of this is true, so caveat lector. But there does seem to be a fair bit of “smoke” here.
Last week our Attorney General, William Barr, gave a speech at Notre Dame on the assault of “secularism” upon traditional religion. He touched on many of the themes I’ve been brooding over in these pages: the withering effect of the death of the transcendent, the natural-rights principles of the American Founding, and the question of whether natural law and natural rights are sustainable ideas without God (I believe they aren’t).
He speaks about the enormous human cost of the empty place in modern life that once was filled by belief in God. (Did you know, by the way, that suicide among young people is up fifty-six percent over the past ten years?)
Readers of this blog will know that I am myself not a believer, though I am not an atheist either. (See this recent post.) But I have come round to a sure belief that the loss of metaphysically transcendent religion has destructive consequences that may well be fatal for human societies.
Government cannot control the passions and appetites of men without descending into tyranny; it is necessary for the existence of a free republic that the people have the moral and civic virtue to govern themselves. They must push back, hard, against their baser impulses — and a nihilistic metaphysics gives them nothing to stand on. The Founders knew this very well indeed, and so Mr. Barr quotes John Adams:
“We have no government armed with the power which is capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion. Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate for the government of any other.”
One thing that must be understood, however, and that Mr. Barr acknowledges in passing, is that we should not think of this as a war upon religion, but rather as a war between religions: between the grotesquely mutated and deracinated Puritanism of modern-day “Progressives” — which has over the past century or so completely washed God out of its creed while retaining the most fanatically missionary aspects of its original form — and religion as the word is traditionally understood.
Read the speech here.
Back in August, the New Yorker ran an interview with Amy Wax, the Robert Mundheim Professor of Law at the University of Pennsylvania Law School. The interview was, of course, adversarial: Professor Wax, a woman of exceptional intelligence and courage, is an outspoken conservative and defender of traditional Western values and ideas.
In this interview Professor Wax spoke about immigration, and advocated what she calls “cultural-distance nationalism” — which she has described as the view that “we are better off if our country is dominated numerically, demographically, politically, at least in fact if not formally, by people from the first world, from the West, than by people from countries that had failed to advance.”
She’s obviously right, of course. (Long-time readers of this blog will recall that I made the same argument back in 2013.) Given her prestigious position at one of the nation’s flagship schools, this makes her a threat. Indeed, I’ll admit that it was rather brave of the New Yorker to give her a platform at all, even if it was just to try to hold her up for scorn and ridicule, and to denounce her as — wait for it — a racist. The interview is full of so many “truth bombs” that a few of them likely detonated even in the minds of that magazine’s faithfully partisan readership.
Read the interview here.
The lovely Nina and I are “stateside” once more after a two-week visit with our daughter’s young family in Vienna.
It was wonderful to see them — in particular, to be with our three-year-old and ten-month-old grandsons Liam and Declan gives us great happiness — but as someone once said, the best part of traveling is coming home again, and I couldn’t agree more. It seems as if we’ve been traveling constantly this year, far more than at any other time in our lives, and at sixty-three I’m finding it more and more exhausting. And as for economy-class air travel (our means are modest enough as to preclude more luxurious options): as the Earl of Chesterfield once said about sex, “the position is ridiculous, and the expense damnable.”
It’s just not in my nature to need the constant novelty and stimulus of travel (not that there’s much about Vienna that’s novel for us at this point, having spent so much time in that splendid place since our daughter moved there). I am perfectly content at home, with books and music and woods and sea and sky and the steady comforts of familiar things. (I realize that’s not so for everyone: the ideal retirement always seems to be imagined to be a life of constant travel, and even my Nina is much more of a happy wanderer than I am.)
Anyway, we’re back. I see a lot has been going on that’s worthy of comment. I’ve also got a thing or two to say about Vienna. The place is still a bastion of a rapidly vanishing Western way of life — and even, perhaps, of something even more universal. It will be good to get back to normal operations here, once I’ve rested up a bit.
I note with sadness, if not surprise, the death of drummer Ginger Baker. As celebrity deaths go, this is for me a pretty big one: Ginger Baker was my first drum hero, and a big part of why, about fifty years ago, I took up the instrument myself.
Mr. Baker was not, by any account, a likable person. (Apparently Jack Bruce, his bandmate in Cream, once told an interviewer years after Cream broke up that although Bruce was then living in Britain, and Baker in South Africa, he’d written to Baker asking him to move farther away.) He was, however, one of rock music’s all-time greats.
Baker was probably rock’s first “superdrummer”. (Ringo Starr was surely more famous, but he was famous as a Beatle, not for his drumming.) There were two others — Keith Moon and John Bonham — but in my opinion Ginger Baker towered over them both. This opinion was shared by Baker himself, who once said that what distinguished good drummers was the ability to swing, and that John Bonham “couldn’t swing a bag of shit.”
Nobody played like Ginger Baker. Nobody thought about the role of the drum-kit in rock music the way he did. Nobody else brought such rhythmic innovation and complexity to the Top 40, and to the ears (and opening minds) of millions of young listeners. Nobody else would have thought, for example, to invert the standard backbeat the way Ginger Baker did in “Sunshine of Your Love”, and make it seem so obviously correct that most people don’t even realize he did so. (Did you? Go and have a listen.)
Nobody sounded like Ginger Baker — the beautiful thunder of that booming Ludwig kit made every record he played on sound huge, and he understood, in contrast to the hyperactive Keith Moon, the importance of empty space and of stately, simple fills.
Thank you, sir, for all that great music, and for a lifetime of inspiration. May flights of angels sing thee to thy rest. (Which might not be how things work out, but…)
The lovely Nina and I are on the road again: back to Vienna to visit our daughter and the wee bairns, and to celebrate Nina’s birthday (it’s one of those “big ones”). We’ll back in about two weeks, though I may post a thing or two from abroad.
Please feel free to browse our vast archives (5,007 posts!), or try the ‘Random Post’ link at upper right.
With a hat-tip to Bill Vallicella, here’s the latest insanity from the Ministry of Truth: woke math.
It’s easy to see why mathematical literacy has to go: numbers don’t lie.
Curtis Yarvin, alias ‘Mencius Moldbug’, seems to be getting back in the game. He discontinued his enormously influential blog Unqualified Reservations years ago (it has now been archived and reorganized here, minus the comment-threads), and seemed for a while to have tried to keep his head down, concentrating on his (apparently quite successful) computer-science career. But his identity had been revealed, and his writings made him radioactive. (Among other things, he found himself barred from some tech conferences once word got out that Mr. Yarvin was indeed the notorious Moldbug.)
Something seems to have changed. I don’t know if it’s just that the battle lines are so clear these days, and his cover so thoroughly blown, that he feels he might as well just come out and fight; perhaps he has also made enough money that he no longer feels the need to worry about career suicide. Whatever it is, he appears to be finding a place for himself in the Claremont Institute orbit. Not long ago, for example, in a post about Michael Anton’s review of Bronze Age Mindset at the Claremont Review of Books, I mentioned that Mr. Anton had been given the book by Mr. Yarvin. It interested me very much to know that they were friends — they both understand that the problem of good government is, at bottom, an engineering problem, but my impression had been that Mr. Anton (and Claremont/Hillsdale generally) has far more confidence in the American Founding and Constitution as an acceptable solution than Mr. Yarvin, who has leaned more toward monarchy than republicanism, does. The tension between the Moldbuggian critique of the conspicuous failures of our democratic republic to continue to provide anything close to good government, and the view of the Founding as given by Mr. Anton and Thomas West (in which the disease now afflicting us is due not to some liability in the founding principles themselves, but in our abandonment of them) is something I’ve been stewing over for a while now.
Now Mr. Yarvin has written a series of essays for The American Mind, a Claremont publication. The first has been published, with four more forthcoming. In this one, Yarvin describes a form of scepticism he calls the “clear pill” (keep in mind that it was Yarvin as Moldbug who gave us the now-ubiquitous metaphor of the “red pill” in its political context). He also outlines and contrasts two kinds of despotism: a familiar kind in which repression and coercion are used to force a single official narrative down the peoples’ throats, and another, sneakier type that gives the people a choice between two narratives — a skillful bit of “stagecraft” that tends to make people choose which one they will believe, rather than asking the right question, namely whether either of them is true. (Parents of little children all know this trick: rather than just ordering a child to eat an apple, it’s much better to present, say, an apple and a peach, and offer the tyke a choice. The former arrangement is obviously, even to a three-year-old, naked coercion, whereas the latter neatly solves the problem by stagecraft — giving the child the illusion of freedom.)
It’s good to see Curtis Yarvin back in harness. (I guess we should stop calling him ‘Moldbug’.) I won’t say more about this essay for now — it’s just the first of five parts, and I’ll wait to see what he has to say. You can read it here.
And if you’ve never read any of his original writing (which was a bolt of lightning when it first appeared, and was the seed around which the “Dark Enlightenment” coalesced), you have waited too long. You can start with his “Gentle Introduction” — the “Red Pill” — here.
From Sean Davis, reporting at The Federalist:
Between May 2018 and August 2019, the intelligence community secretly eliminated a requirement that whistleblowers provide direct, first-hand knowledge of alleged wrongdoings. This raises questions about the intelligence community’s behavior regarding the August submission of a whistleblower complaint against President Donald Trump. The new complaint document no longer requires potential whistleblowers who wish to have their concerns expedited to Congress to have direct, first-hand knowledge of the alleged wrongdoing that they are reporting.
The brand new version of the whistleblower complaint form, which was not made public until after the transcript of Trump’s July 25 phone call with the Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky and the complaint addressed to Congress were made public, eliminates the first-hand knowledge requirement and allows employees to file whistleblower complaints even if they have zero direct knowledge of underlying evidence and only “heard about [wrongdoing] from others.”
How convenient. More here.
Given the accusations leveled against Donald Trump for asking Ukraine to assist in corruption investigations, readers might like to have a look at this:
The White House, November 10, 1999.
To the Senate of the United States:
With a view to receiving the advice and consent of the Senate to ratification, I transmit herewith the Treaty Between the United States of America and Ukraine on Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters with Annex, signed at Kiev on July 22, 1998. I transmit also, for the information of the Senate, an exchange of notes which was signed on September 30, 1999, which provides for its provisional application, as well as the report of the Department of State with respect to the Treaty.
The Treaty is one of a series of modern mutual legal assistance treaties being negotiated by the United States in order to counter criminal activities more effectively. The Treaty should be an effective tool to assist in the prosecution of a wide variety of crimes, including drug trafficking offenses. The Treaty is self-executing. It provides for a broad range of cooperation in criminal matters. Mutual assistance available under the Treaty includes: taking of testimony or statements of persons; providing documents, records, and articles of evidence; serving documents; locating or identifying persons; transferring persons in custody for testimony or other purposes; executing requests for searches and seizures; assisting in proceedings related to restraint, confiscation, forfeiture of assets, restitution, and collection of fines; and any other form of assistance not prohibited by the laws of the requested state.
I recommend that the Senate give early and favorable consideration to the Treaty and give its advice and consent to ratification.
William J. Clinton.
This treaty was ratified on 18 October 2000.
Mencius Moldbug:
[W]hen we identify progressive secularism as one thing and Protestant Christianity as another, we have basically just walked up to one of the most dangerous intellectual pathogens in Western history, said “how ya doin,” invited it to a wild hot-tub party and promised to deactivate our immune system for the evening. Is this safe epistemology? I think not.
In the wake of poor Greta Thunberg’s horrifying public enthrallment*, and the accelerating religious (yes, religious) hysteria of the Democratic Party, I invite readers to have another look at the critical final transition of Puritanism’s explicitly theistic “errand into the wilderness” into the totalizing cryptoreligion we suffer under today. The last stage of its larval, theistic form was the adoption, by the West’s Protestant elite, of the First World War as a religious crusade, described in revealing detail in a book I reviewed a couple of years ago.
Read that post here.
* I offer a term for the hijacking of a young brain by this voracious meme-plex: cordyception.
This seems timely: here are the two latest installments of John Batchelor’s ongoing conversation with historian Michael Vlahos about the darkening clouds of civil war. In these two segments (twenty minutes in all), the two discuss messianic and millenarian revolutionary movements, past and present.
Things do seem to have ratcheted up a bit, even in the past week. It all deserves further comment.
So:
In 2014, the Obama administration backs a revolution in Ukraine, intended to turn that nation away from Russia. Joe Biden, then vice-president, becomes the administration’s go-between with Ukraine. That makes Biden a powerful guy, as far as Ukraine is concerned. Biden’s kid Hunter ends up being on the board of a corporation over there, and gets millions siphoned into his bank account.
Next thing you know, there’s a Ukrainian prosecutor looking into corruption involving the corporation that’s funnelling money to Biden’s son. Biden goes over there and tells Ukraine that if they don’t fire the prosecutor, he’ll block a billion-dollar U.S. loan guarantee. Within hours, the prosecutor is fired. (There’s audio of Biden boasting about this.) That’s obstruction of justice at the highest level.
Now, the president of the U.S. is said to have called Ukraine asking them to look into this. There are no threats made, nor goodies offered — just a request for an investigation.
And this is a Trump scandal?
The militant Islamist group Hezbollah, Iran’s proxy in Lebanon, is also one of the world’s biggest organized-crime cartels, dealing in drugs, weapons, and money-laundering on a global scale to support its jihad. During the Obama administration, the DEA mounted a massive investigation, and was prepared to mount an enormous legal assault on the syndicate — which was deeply engaged in criminal activities in the U.S. — but the initiative was stymied by the White House, because the president feared that it would interfere with the deal with Iran that he and John Kerry were trying to put together.
The investigation was called Operation Cassandra. (How apt that name would become was, I’m sure, not apparent at the time.) I remember Andrew McCarthy talking about it on the John Batchelor show some time ago — I’ll try to find a recording — but I’ve just run across a detailed report of this fiasco at Politico.
As Edmund Burke said: “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.” (Or, in this case, to be prevented from doing anything.) Read the sad story here.
The New York Times, fresh from beclowning itself over the weekend with a shameless (and journalistically indefensible) partisan attack on Brett Kavanaugh, gave further evidence today that the once-respected paper is truly in the toilet: a “woke” piece about the oppression of women by — I am not making this up — the “poo-triarchy”. Here’s the “head”-line:
We read:
Poop shame is real — and it disproportionately affects women, who suffer from higher rates of irritable bowel syndrome and inflammatory bowel disease. In other words, the patriarchy has seeped into women’s intestinal tracts. Let’s call it the pootriarchy.
Girls aren’t born with poo shame — it’s something they’re taught.
“Taught”? Well, not by me, though as a cisgendered white male I’m sure my protestations will fall on deaf ears. I swear, though: I seriously can’t remember the topic ever even coming up at any of our weekly Patriarchs planning sessions; we’re usually way too busy figuring out new ways to keep women’s salaries down below that 77% mark, discussing techniques for interrupting them at business-meetings, strategizing about making sure they doubt their aptitude for math and science, researching methods for crushing their self-esteem, etc.
Meanwhile, what’s with this picture accompanying the article?
Finding myself with nothing interesting to say tonight about the passing scene (I’m beginning to worry that, after almost five thousand posts, I may well have said it all already), I’ll take a moment to plug a YouTube channel I’m keen on.
This will be of interest only to a small subset of readers: drummers and aspiring drummers. If that isn’t you, check back again soon, by which time the Muse may have returned my calls, and I will have found something new to say about the usual topics.
But if you are still here, then I will recommend to you the instructional channel of one Rob “Beatdown” Brown, which is here.
I’ve played drums since sixth grade or so, and was pretty serious about it until my early twenties, at which point I started working at Power Station Studios in New York City. From that point on drumming had to take a back seat, for a variety of reasons: no free time to be in bands or even to practice, no place to keep a kit in my tiny apartment, a single-minded focus on becoming the best engineer I could be, etc. So from that point on it was always a hobby (although I did play the odd part here and there in the studio, including replacing a drum track on a live Rolling Stones album in which a technical problem had made the original track unusable).
Last year, though, I came away from my annual musical gathering on Star Island feeling pretty shabby about my playing — I’d really neglected to practice enough, and it showed. So I resolved to do something about it.
Enter Rob Brown. I knew that YouTube was a rich resource for musical coaching, and when I found Rob’s channel I knew I’d struck gold. He is an outstanding player himself, and has a teaching style that approaches even the driest of exercises — rudiment drills, for example — from an intuitive, feel-based angle. Given that I’ve been playing for about fifty years, I’m no beginner, and there are somethings I do very well already — and his channel has something for every level of drummer. In just the few months I’ve been working through his videos, every aspect of my playing has improved.
So if you are a drummer, and if you aren’t Peter Erskine or Jack DeJohnette, etc. (if so, hi guys), you should go and have a look.
Here’s an amusing story:
Ship With Climate Change Warriors Caught in Ice, Warriors Evacuated
To quote Philip K. Dick once again: “Reality is that which, when you stop believing in it, doesn’t go away.” The problem with the modern Left’s new religion is that, having shot Heaven down from the sky, they are forced into extravagant beliefs about the world we actually inhabit, and about the people who inhabit it — beliefs that are easily tested against objectively existing natural facts.
Meanwhile, here’s a peer-reviewed possibility to consider: that climate models are rubbish.
I’m gradually getting better from that debilitating chest-cold I came down with on Monday, and thought I was well enough to take on the Blank Page once again. So I sat down to write, and … nothing. (Maybe in another day or so.)
So, instead, I’ll direct you to a review, at CRB, of a most unusual book I read earlier this year: Bronze Age Mindset, by an unknown author writing under the pseudonym “Bronze Age Pervert”. The book is essentially a Nietzschean manifesto — though it describes itself not as a work of philosophy, but an “exhortation” — and it is above all a rousing paean to virility, hierarchy, and excellence, and a call to young men to shake off the bridling and feminizing narcotic of modernity. (You should read it, if you haven’t — take it from me, it’s really something.)
The review is by Michael Anton, who says he was given the book by a dinner-guest: none other than Mencius Moldbug!
Read it here. I’ll have something of my own to write about soon, I’m sure.
I see that the Kakistocracy blog, which Bill Vallicella had linked to just yesterday, is gone. That’s bad: the author, Porter (who used to comment here occasionally), had exceptional sharpness of mind, wit, and pen.
Porter, if you should see this: what happened? Drop me a line.
I’m back from my annual musical get-together on Star Island, but am in no shape for writing just yet. It was a fantastic weekend — we spent the days working out the more difficult material, and hosted performances/parties for all the other guests on the island every night into the wee hours — but after four nights of going to bed at 2:30 a.m. and getting up at 8 or so for breakfast (not to mention liberal consumption of adult beverages every evening), I was completely exhausted, and ended up coming down with a nasty chest cold during a long day of travel yesterday.
I’ll be back in harness in a day or two.
I’m off to my annual musical retreat in the far-flung Isles of Shoals. Back on Tuesday, if we aren’t all washed out to sea by climate change.
Engineering firms have a difficult problem to solve: the laws of the actually existing world upon which their products operate are unsentimental and unforgiving. The judges of an engineer’s work are not feelings or opinions, but the simple and ruthlessly objective criteria of success or failure, and the stakes are high. If a bridge is not designed in conformance with the iron laws of physics, it will collapse — and people will die. If the software controlling an airliner’s aerodynamics crashes, so will the plane — and people will die. And so on.
Philip K. Dick summed it up neatly: “Reality is that which, when you stop believing in it, doesn’t go away.” And so the problem leaks out of the engineering itself, into the human-resources department of engineering firms: in order to produce reliably engineered products, they need reliable engineers. As far as the company is concerned it doesn’t matter in the least what they look like, or where they come from, but they have to be smart enough, and experienced enough, to know how to do what they will be asked to do, and to know all of the many ways that the real world — which works tirelessly in every age to break everything to pieces — can make their product fail.
This sharply narrows the field of candidates, and another class of stubborn realities — the uneven statistical distribution of the requisite aptitudes, dispositions, and specific cognitive qualities among the sexes and various human populations, as well as the varying habits and preferences of diverse cultures — becomes apparent. Most companies have some wiggle-room here: they can alter their products, and even relax their standards, to accommodate prevailing fashion. Engineering firms can’t do that, though, without inviting catastrophe, because they must satisfy not only their customers, but the immutable laws of physics and logic. So the demographics of tech companies naturally mirror the unequal distribution of these necessary qualities and inclinations in various human groups.
Those who have the talent and inclination to be good engineers share some other characteristics as well: they generally like the work and are willing to put in long hours getting it right. I can tell you from long personal experience that doing good engineering can be deeply rewarding and well worth the effort, and the best engineers take a lot of pride in their work. They don’t generally need to go looking for self-fulfillment elsewhere — and I can assure you that what other engineers respect, and what their employers value, is nothing more or less than the quality of the work. If you can deliver the goods, it usually doesn’t matter if you are male, female, black, white, gay, Asian, or anything else. The lead engineer of the software team I worked on for many years was a black man from Jamaica, and he was one of the smartest people I’ve ever met (and a wonderful boss besides).
So, you see, it’s intrinsic to the job that those who excel at it are going to be a certain type of person: intelligent, hard-working, and good at logical, quantitative, and abstract thinking. And, perhaps most importantly of all, they have to get used to having their ideas and models refuted, as a matter of routine, by contact with the real world.
That last part’s a big deal. Engineering is not for ideologues. If you can’t abandon a cherished belief because it just doesn’t work in the real world, you shouldn’t be an engineer. You can’t impose your wishes on physics, or mathematics, or logic; they exist objectively, and they just are what they are. If you don’t think there even is an objectively existing world — if you think that everything is a “social construct” — then I’m sorry, but you should not be designing bridges. And so it is that the iron laws of nature specify, in turn, that engineers will be — must be — a particular sort of person. There’s no such thing as black engineering, or white engineering, or gay or feminist engineering, relative to some subjective, identity-based “truth”. There’s only one objectively existing world out there: the one that’s going to try to break whatever it is you’re building. And there are only two kinds of engineers: good ones and useless ones.
With all of that in mind, here’s a story from the Daily Mail, in which a black female Google mobile-app developer (who, it should be noted, has produced on the side an app called Sutrology that “shows sex positions and relationship compatibility based on zodiac signs”) registers an ideological gripe about these stubborn realities:
‘They hire someone who’s exactly like them, but black’: Google engineer claims that Silicon Valley hires the ‘whitest black candidates’ in new podcast interview
What’s her beef? I have bolded the relevant passages:
[Google employee Bria] Sullivan said that she believes Silicon Valley companies ‘hire someone that meets exactly their qualifications and I feel like this is a problem‘.
‘And when I was saying there’s like a hiring problem, a lot of what people are asking for is they don’t realize that they’re asking for a white person, they’re not specifically doing that, but only for the most part, mostly white people will qualify for the criteria that they give, and they might find a black person that does, and it might end probably not going to be the type of black person that is actually going to do the thing that we want because it’s what they want.
What, exactly, is “the thing we want” isn’t made clear, but clearly, it isn’t the “thing” the company exists to do, namely to make reliably well-engineered products that people actually want to use. Who, one might ask, is working for whom here?
More here.
We hear all the time — it’s a favorite trope of our current crop of Democratic candidates — that the United States has a shamefully high percentage of people living in poverty.
Not so fast, say the authors of a new study. Where these accusations go wrong is that they measure only paychecks, and not all of the other benefits that low-income Americans receive. A far better way to assess poverty is not income, but consumption of goods — and when you do that, America comes out looking very well indeed:
On average, a person among the poorest 20 percent of Americans consumes more goods and services than the average person in Canada, Greece, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Australia, Spain, Portugal, Japan, Denmark, Iceland, New Zealand, Slovenia, Slovakia, Israel, South Korea, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Poland, Chile, Hungary, Turkey, and Mexico.
(Cultural, psychological, and spiritual poverty is quite another matter, of course.)
Learn more here.
Our friend and commenter, the indefatigable JK, sent along a link to a story that’s attracting lots of attention today: climate “scientist” and rent-seeking fearmonger Michael Mann has lost his libel suit against the Canadian climatologist Dr. Tim Ball.
Dr. Ball had expressed in public his belief that Dr. Mann’s infamous “Hockey Stick” graph — which artfully flattened the historic temperature record in order to suggest that a recent warming spell was an unprecedented calamity brought about by human activity — was a flim-flam put together by a Procrustean torture of the actual data. He went so far as to make the amusing suggestion that Dr. Mann, rather than being at Penn State, ought to be in the “state pen”.
Mann sued Ball for libel, but as the trial dragged on year after year, Mann steadfastly refused to “show his work”, presumably because it would reveal him to be just the fraud that Dr. Ball had said he was. Now the clock has run out, and the court has ruled in favor of Dr. Ball — and has, for good measure, held Mann liable for all the court costs as well.
It isn’t over quite yet — Dr. Mann has 30 days to appeal — but the ruling in favor of Dr. Ball certainly does “warm” the heart.
More here.
Back in 2009, Mencius Moldbug, in Part 1 of his seminal Gentle Introduction essay, took up the question of the curious ideological synchronization (he used the heavily freighted word Gleichschaltung) of our universities and other cultural institutions.
[W]e can see easily that Harvard is attached to something, because the perspective of Harvard in 2009, while wildly different from the perspective of Harvard in 1959, is not in any way different from the perspective of Stanford in 2009. If a shared attachment to Uncle Sam isn’t what keeps Harvard and Stanford on the same page, what is? It’s not football.Except for a few unimportant institutions of non-mainstream religious affiliation, we simply do not see multiple, divergent, competing schools of thought within the American university system. The whole vast archipelago, though evenly speckled with a salting of contrarians, displays no factional structure whatsoever. It seems almost perfectly synchronized.
There are two explanations for this synchronization. One, Harvard and Stanford are synchronized because they both arrive at the same truth. I am willing to concede this for, say, chemistry. When it comes to, say, African-American studies, I am not quite so sure. Are you? Surely it is arguable that the latter is a legitimate area of inquiry. But surely it is arguable that it is not. So how is it, exactly, that Harvard, Stanford, and everyone else gets the same answer?
I’m afraid the only logical alternative, however awful and unimaginable, is the conclusion that Harvard and Stanford are synchronized because both are remoras attached, in some unthinkable way, to some great, invisible predator of the deep—perhaps even Cthulhu himself.
This idea of an awakened Cthulhu behind the coalescence and synchronization of what Moldbug called the “Cathedral” has exerted a pull — perhaps I should say a Call — on neoreactionary thinking ever since. Today I have for you a recent essay from Thomas Bertonneau examining the orgiastic, sacrificial cult of modern Leftism through a Lovecraftian lens. The parallels are many, and are easily as horrifying as Lovecraft’s original story.
Read it here.
The New York Times has a spot of bother in the PR department today: its chief political editor is in hot water for blatant anti-Semitism.
There isn’t a peep about this at the paper’s website (not surprising, I suppose, given that this is the same rag that bent over backwards to cover up the Holocaust) — or, for example, on CNN. Can you imagine what the reaction would be if it were Fox News’s political editor instead?
There’s no hypocrisy here, though, because the mainstream media are only following a simple and consistent principle, one that I first pointed out in the spring of last year:
Defend your people, always. Attack the enemy with whatever comes to hand, always.
President Trump made an encouraging remark yesterday about the possibility of ending the nation’s lunatic policy of granting U.S. citizenship to any child whose mother managed to get her uterus onto American soil, by any means whatever, before giving birth.
“We’re looking at that very seriously, birthright citizenship,” the president said. It seems he is considering revoking the policy, at least as it applies to “birth-tourists” and illegal aliens, by executive order — which should be perfectly within his Constitutional powers, as the policy of giving away citizenship in this way originated not in any act of Congress, but in the Executive Branch’s Department of State.
The reaction from the Left has been just as you’d expect. Laurence Tribe Tweeted that “This fuxxxng racist wants to reverse the outcome of the Civil War, for God’s sake.” Kamala Harris suggested that Mr. Trump “should ‘seriously’ consider reading the Constitution.”
Well, what does the Constitution say? Both Tribe and Harris are referring to the post-Civil-War Fourteenth Amendment, the purpose of which was to confer full citizenship on former slaves and their children. It says this:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside.
The key is that qualifier “and subject to the jurisdiction thereof”, which was inserted to distinguish between former American slaves and those aliens and visitors who were the subjects of an external sovereignty. To imagine that the framers of this amendment, or those who ratified it, ever intended it to apply to any pregnant woman who manages to sneak across our borders, or to a Chinese national who pays a visit to the Northern Marianas a day before delivering her child, is, in the etymologically literal sense of the word, preposterous — it reads a (still controversial) opinion of the present day into the deliberations of the past — and I’m sure that both Mr. Tribe and Ms. Harris know it. In their hands the Fourteenth Amendment is simply another bayonet on the political battlefield; a weapon they have picked up from the wounded body of the enemy.
For a more detailed look at the issue, read this.
Mr. Trump should make the executive order, and let the courts have a go at it. Truth, justice, and history are on his side.