Aloha, DL

I haven’t paid much attention to baseball this year (although if you do, I’ll make a shameless plug for my son Nick’s outstanding baseball-analysis website, Pitcher List). But I have just noticed that what used to be called the “disabled list” is now the “injured list”. Why? It’s because the word “disabled” might offend someone.

This is hilarious, not least because the word “disabled” was itself, not so long ago, a prissy substitute for the clear and ordinary word “crippled”, which had served speakers of English perfectly well since the early 14th century. (To be fair, there was never a “crippled list” in baseball, but that’s because “crippled” generally implies a permanent condition. Indeed, the substitution of “disabled” for “crippled” in general use was euphemistic in two different ways: not only as a prissy substitute for the underlying state of impairment it describes, but also in that it masks this depressing likelihood of permanence.)

Way back in 2006, I wrote a post about this. An excerpt:

This is “euphemism creep’: a social-engineering effort to ameliorate perceived instances of societal stigmatization simply by replacing old, freighted terms with new, officially-approved ones. “Crippled’ becomes “disabled’, then “differently abled’. “Niggers’ became “Negroes’, then “colored persons’, then “Blacks’, then “African-Americans’, then “persons of color’. Think about that ”“ you can in perfectly P.C. good taste refer to someone as a “person of color’, but to say “colored person’ these days could cost you your job.

I mention all of this not to belittle the sufferings of those who are unjustly discriminated against, but to point out that this does very little, if anything at all, to solve their problem, as is indicated by the very fact that the euphemisms have to be replaced every so often with new ones. As long as the underlying attitudes remain, each new term simply acquires the same social baggage the previous one had. Metaphorically it reminds me of the geology of the Hawaiian Island chain; the row of islands was formed one after the other as the Earth’s crust moved over a stationary volcanic “hot spot’.

I don’t know where we’ll go from “injured list” a few years hence, as the tectonic treadmill grinds along. “Dignity list” or something, perhaps. At least that way we can call it the DL again.

A Reminder

Everywhere around us, “progressivism” is getting more and more frantic. The latest round of freshmen elected to Congress, the delirious fantasies now put forward as actual policy proposals by legislators and presidential candidates, and the hysteria that has overwhelmed higher education may, quite understandably, strike your heart cold with fear. What can be done? we ask ourselves. What can we do to stop them?

Remember this: in the long run, we don’t have to do anything, because they have aligned themselves against reality itself. None of what they are proposing can ever work; none of what they are imagining can ever come true. They will fail, simply because it is not in the nature of reality that they can succeed.

Yes, we may of course have to defend ourselves at some point, and we should be ready.

But they will fail.

The Perpetual Diamond

Here is a fantastic visual illusion.

The Love That Dare Speak Its Name

Here’s an item for you: an advocacy group called “Super Happy Fun America” says it has been granted a permit for a Straight Pride Parade to be held in Boston this August.

Their motto: “It’s great to be straight!” (Also, apparently, “Please don’t hate me — I was born this way.”)

They even have a flag, in blue and pink (naturally!) that has “represented our community for over 0.4 years”:
 

 
Story here.

All Sail, No Ballast

This entry is part 3 of 8 in the series Pilgrim's Progress.

The novelist and podcaster Andrew Klavan has published an essay at City Journal making an eloquent defense of the position that, contra Steven Pinker and others, the hyper-rationalism of the Enlightenment is insufficient to sustain our civilization against moral, spiritual and philosophical exhaustion — and so he calls us back to the faith that built it in the first place.

Many of us have come to realize the seriousness of the problem; ten years ago I myself wrote a post arguing that secularism is maladaptive. But even then I still hadn’t fully understood the problem: while I saw clearly enough that secularism placed groups at a competitive disadvantage against religious ones, I hadn’t yet understood how fatally it could weaken a civilization from within, even in the absence of external threats. Even as I later came, quite reluctantly, to a skeptical re-examination of my own atheism, and to the realization that religion is a thing that anyone of a conservative disposition (especially anyone who understands the American Founding) should recognize as good and even necessary, I was nevertheless unable to become a believer myself. My own Enlightenment hyper-rationalism was still in the driver’s seat, you see, as Mr. Klavan explains:

It is the Enlightenment Narrative that creates this worship of reason, not reason itself. In fact, most of the scientific arguments against the existence of God are circular and self-proving. They pit advanced scientific thinkers against simple, literalist religious believers. They dismiss error and mischief committed in the name of science — the Holocaust, atom bombs, climate change — but amberize error and mischief committed in the name of faith — “the Crusades, the Inquisition, witch hunts, the European wars of religion,” as Pinker has it.

By assuming that the spiritual realm is a fantasy, they irrationally dismiss our experience of it. Our brains perceive the smell of coffee, yet no one argues that coffee isn’t real. But when the same brain perceives the immaterial — morality, the self, or God — it is presumed to be spinning fantasies. Coming from those who worship reason, this is lousy reasoning.

The point of this essay is not to argue the truth of Christianity. I argue only this: the modern intellectual’s difficulty in believing is largely an effect created by the overwhelming dominance of the Enlightenment Narrative, and that narrative is simplistic and incomplete.

This is exactly right: the Enlightenment Narrative is simplistic and incomplete. This is exactly the concern that has been gnawing at me; it is what I described a few weeks ago in this post about my growing dissatisfaction with secular materialism.

In that post I mentioned, among other questions, the puzzle of the fine-tuning of the Universe for life, and the unsatisfactory answer that seems to be the best that secular science can come up with. Klavan looks at the same question, and he isn’t satisfied either:

Did we, for example, escape Christianity into science? From Roger Bacon to Galileo to Newton, the men who sparked the scientific revolution were all believing Christians. Doesn’t this make it seem plausible that — despite the church’s occasional interference — modern science was actually an outgrowth of Christian thought?

And is science still moving away from that Christian outlook, or has its trajectory begun to change? It may have once seemed reasonable to assume that the clockwork world uncovered by Isaac Newton would inexorably lead us to atheism, but those clockwork certainties have themselves dissolved as science advanced. Quantum physics has raised mind-boggling questions about the role of consciousness in the creation of reality. And the virtual impossibility of an accidental universe precisely fine-tuned to the maintenance of life has scientists scrambling for “reasonable” explanations.

Like Pinker, some try to explain these mysteries away. For example, they’ve concocted a wholly unprovable theory that we are in a multiverse. There are infinite universes, they say, and this one just happens to be the one that acts as if it were spoken into being by a gigantic invisible Jew! Others bruit about the idea that we live in a computer simulation — a tacit admission of faith, though it may be faith in a god who looks like the nerd you beat up in high school.

In any case, scientists used to accuse religious people of inventing a “God of the Gaps” — that is, using religion to explain away what science had not yet uncovered. But multiverses and simulations seem very much like a Science of the Gaps, jerry-rigged nothings designed to circumvent the simplest explanation for the reality we know.

A “Science of the Gaps”: just so. Is it worth throwing our civilization away for, and perhaps our souls as well? Read Andrew Klavan’s essay here.

Rashomon

Attorney General William Barr sat down for an interview on CBS a couple of days ago. Mr. Barr was, as usual, sensible and forthright, and made clear once again that he is interested in the truth about the Russia investigation, and that what he’s seen so far gives him reason to have serious concerns about abuses of government power.

Writing at New York Magazine, however, Jonathan Chait called the interview “terrifying”; he sees Mr. Barr not as an adversary of institutional corruption, but as an accomplice. His account begins:

After the legal Establishment had granted him the benefit of the doubt, Attorney General William Barr has shocked his erstwhile supporters with his aggressive and frequently dishonest interventions on behalf of President Trump. The spectacle of an esteemed lawyer abetting his would-be strongman boss’s every authoritarian instinct has left Barr’s critics grasping for explanations. Some have seized on the darker threads of his history in the Reagan and Bush administrations, when he misled the public about a secret Department of Justice memo and helped cover up the Iran-Contra scandal.

But Barr’s long, detailed interview with Jan Crawford suggests the rot goes much deeper than a simple mania for untrammeled Executive power. Barr has drunk deep from the Fox News worldview of Trumpian paranoia.

It is hard to convey how far over the edge Barr has gone without reading the entire interview, which lasted an hour.

Quite so. You should read the entire interview, and then decide for yourself just who has gone “over the edge”, and who hasn’t. The video and transcript are here.

The Scottish Verdict

In a brief, fork-tongued statement yesterday, the august Robert Mueller got a lot done: he let slip his naked partisanship, jettisoned the bedrock principle of American jurisprudence, ensured that the U.S. government will for the rest of Donald Trump’s first term be paralyzed by bitter factional conflict, and fanned the coals of a smoldering civil war.

Writing at The Hill, Alan Dershowitz — who is, by the way, a lifelong liberal Democrat — had this to say:

Until today, I have defended Mueller against the accusations that he is a partisan. I did not believe that he personally favored either the Democrats or the Republicans, or had a point of view on whether President Trump should be impeached. But I have now changed my mind. By putting his thumb, indeed his elbow, on the scale of justice in favor of impeachment based on obstruction of justice, Mueller has revealed his partisan bias. He also has distorted the critical role of a prosecutor in our justice system.

Virtually everybody agrees that, in the normal case, a prosecutor should never go beyond publicly disclosing that there is insufficient evidence to indict. No responsible prosecutor should ever suggest that the subject of his investigation might indeed be guilty even if there was insufficient evidence or other reasons not to indict. Supporters of Mueller will argue that this is not an ordinary case, that he is not an ordinary prosecutor and that President Trump is not an ordinary subject of an investigation. They are wrong. The rules should not be any different.

Remember that federal investigations by prosecutors, including special counsels, are by their very nature one-sided. They hear only evidence of guilt and not exculpatory evidence. Their witnesses are not subject to the adversarial process. There is no cross examination. The evidence is taken in secret behind the closed doors of a grand jury. For that very reason, prosecutors can only conclude whether there is sufficient evidence to commence a prosecution. They are not in a position to decide whether the subject of the investigation is guilty or is innocent of any crimes.

That determination of guilt or innocence requires a full adversarial trial with a zealous defense attorney, vigorous cross examination, exclusionary rules of evidence and other due process safeguards. Such safeguards were not present in this investigation, and so the suggestion by Mueller that Trump might well be guilty deserves no credence. His statement, so inconsistent with his long history, will be used to partisan advantage by Democrats, especially all those radicals who are seeking impeachment.

No prosecutor should ever say or do anything for the purpose of helping one party or the other. I cannot imagine a plausible reason why Mueller went beyond his report and gratuitously suggested that President Trump might be guilty, except to help Democrats in Congress and to encourage impeachment talk and action. Shame on Mueller for abusing his position of trust and for allowing himself to be used for such partisan advantage.

The Democrats and the media (but I repeat myself) have seized on Mr. Mueller’s carefully buffered implication that the only reason the Special Counsel didn’t recommend charges for obstruction was that Justice Department guidelines prohibit the indictment of a sitting president (this despite the fact that the SC’s job is only to assess the evidence for criminality and let the Attorney General worry about filing charges). But AG William Barr has made clear that he asked Mueller several times whether the SC decision not to recommend charges was based on these guidelines, and was reassured that this was not the case. Moreover, the DOJ and the Special Counsel’s office both signed off on a statement, issued after Mueller’s remarks yesterday, that reinforces this position. From The Hill again:

“The Attorney General has previously stated that the Special Counsel repeatedly affirmed that he was not saying that, but for the [Office of Legal Counsel] opinion, he would have found the President obstructed justice,’ said Justice Department spokeswoman Kerri Kupec and special counsel spokesman Peter Carr in a statement issued Wednesday evening.

“The Special Counsel’s report and his statement today made clear that the office concluded it would not reach a determination ”“ one way or the other ”“ about whether the President committed a crime. There is no conflict between these statements,’ they said.

This is a classic “motte-and-bailey” game. Despite admitting that there is insufficient evidence for charges (the motte), Mueller clearly wants to stain the President with the assumption of guilt (the bailey). You can do this in Scotland, where, in addition to finding a defendant guilty or innocent, the courts also allow a reputation-destroying verdict of “not proven” — but that isn’t how it’s supposed to work over here.

Over There

The ground is shifting in Europe: nationalist parties, including Nigel Farage’s nascent Brexit Party, gained a lot of ground in the recent EU elections.

Meanwhile, though, the Austrian chancellor Sebastian Kurz — who is routinely described as “far right”, despite being nothing more than a patriot who takes seriously any government’s duty to act as the steward of a nation’s culture and traditions, and to preserve them for generations yet unborn — has been tossed out on a vote of no confidence following a pay-for-play scandal involving the leader of his party’s coalition partner. Left-leaning Austrians are happy about this, but they should be careful what they wish for: Kurz is a relative moderate, skillful in politics, and able to compromise. One of the lessons that Europeans should have learned by now is that when those who take sensibly cautious positions on cultural and demographic change (I repeat myself) are silenced, the underlying pressure only increases — and will later release itself in more extreme forms.

P.S. With a hat-tip to Gates of Vienna, here is some interesting commentary by one Steven Turley, who identifies three related “insecurities” — border insecurity, economic insecurity, and cultural insecurity — as having driven global politics into a new and more conservative order. (I’d never heard of Dr. Turley before today, but he seems to have a good head on his shoulders.) Think of Newton’s Third Law.

Is America A ‘Proposition Nation’?

Yesterday our friend Bill Vallicella, the Maverick Philosopher, commented on a 2018 column by Mackubin Thomas Owens about kinds of nationalism. Mr. Owens says that American nationalism is good and necessary because it is of the right sort: an allegiance only to a set of philosophical principles.

Bill singled out this passage:

Much of today’s debate fails to distinguish between two types of nationalism: ethnic and civic. The former is based on language, blood or race. American nationalism is the latter, civic in nature, holding that the United States is a nation based on a set of beliefs — a creed — rather than race or blood. This understanding of nationalism is equivalent to “patriotism.’

Once upon a time, an ordinary understanding of nationalism embraced all of this: love for, and loyalty to, not only shared beliefs, but also for one’s people, their common heritage and traditions, and their homeland. But in these withered times, we must pry it all apart and pare away everything, no matter how common and natural and healthy, that violates our new ideological orthodoxy. We have to be content, now, with what our grandparents would surely have seen as a sad and shriveled “patriotism”: all that is left for us to love about our nation is a handful of philosophical postulates.

Bill added:

This is a good start, but it doesn’t go deep enough. I applaud the distinction between the ethnic and the civic. But American nationalism is not wholly civic. Indeed, it is hard to imagine any nation that could be wholly civic, wholly ‘propositional’ or wholly based on a set of beliefs and value. And yet the United States is a proposition nation: the propositions are in the founding documents. I don’t see how that could be reasonably denied.

I don’t either. There should be no doubt that the founding of the United States rests upon a set of propositions that articulate a theory of natural law and natural rights, chief among which is the proposition that no human being is by nature rightfully sovereign over any other. (This, and pretty much only this, is what the Founders meant when they said “created equal”.) So in that sense it is correct to call the United States a “proposition nation”.

The problem is that nowadays it is all too common to stop there: to declare the United States to be a “proposition nation” and nothing more.

Bill continues:

I also don’t see how it could be reasonably denied that the discovery and articulation and preservation of classically American principles and values was achieved by people belonging to a certain tradition.

Exactly so. The founders knew very well that for a society based on natural liberty and limited government to flourish would require civic virtue, and a sense of civic duty, and that these in turn required commonality: not just the commonality of assent to a set of political abstracta, but also the natural cohesion of a community of people who share history, culture, traditions, and a broad sense of actual kinship.

John Jay wrote about this in Federalist 2 (my emphasis):

It has often given me pleasure to observe that independent America was not composed of detached and distant territories, but that one connected, fertile, widespreading country was the portion of our western sons of liberty. Providence has in a particular manner blessed it with a variety of soils and productions, and watered it with innumerable streams, for the delight and accommodation of its inhabitants. A succession of navigable waters forms a kind of chain round its borders, as if to bind it together; while the most noble rivers in the world, running at convenient distances, present them with highways for the easy communication of friendly aids, and the mutual transportation and exchange of their various commodities.

With equal pleasure I have as often taken notice that Providence has been pleased to give this one connected country to one united people–a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in their manners and customs, and who, by their joint counsels, arms, and efforts, fighting side by side throughout a long and bloody war, have nobly established general liberty and independence.

This country and this people seem to have been made for each other, and it appears as if it was the design of Providence, that an inheritance so proper and convenient for a band of brethren, united to each other by the strongest ties, should never be split into a number of unsocial, jealous, and alien sovereignties.

In The Political Theory of the American Founding (see more about this book in the series of posts beginning here) Thomas G. West argues, following Aristotle, that the newly founded nation depended for its existence on both its form and matter. The form, he writes, was “its principles: the laws of nature and of nature’s God.” He continues:

The matter that existed in 1776 was a brute fact, which included the universal features of human nature. But it also included the particular geography, laws, racial stock, popular sentiments, moral habits, and religion of colonial America. The form, the natural rights theory … determined, more than anything else, which traditions would continue and which would be discarded as the new regime took shape under the ruling guidance of natural rights.

The critical point is that both form and matter are essential, and both limit and determine what sort of nation they can make in combination. The American Founding could not have happened elsewhere: swap out the colonial population of 1776 with a random assortment of people from everywhere on Earth and it would quickly have failed. The particularities of the “matter” upon which the American propositions were to act were every bit as determining as the “form” — the propositions — themselves.

They still are, and we stifle this critical truth at our peril.

Le Panier De Déplorables

Here’s European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker’s opinion of the little people:

June 6th will mark the 75th anniversary of D-Day.

Conservation Of Entropy, Part 2

This entry is part 2 of 2 in the series Conservation of Entropy.

Is it possible to balance order and entropy in complex societies while maintaining vitality and avoiding sclerosis and stasis?

If we look at societies as living systems, they must maintain a dynamic, not static, equilibrium: to sustain life, energy must flow through them without disturbing the complex balance of internal parts and subsystems. They must present to the world a barrier that marks a boundary between “self” and “other”, but the barrier must be just porous enough; if the organism seals itself off entirely, or exposes itself too indiscriminately, it will die.

Likewise, the parts of a living system must be differentiated into various organs and tissues; these must operate independently enough to perform their separate functions without mutual interference, but they must also coordinate their activities flexibly and responsively enough to serve the interests of the whole.

A healthy organism must also be able effectively to present itself to the world as a unity that is able to interpret its environment and act in harmony with its own interests. Those interests include avoiding physical peril, locating and consuming usable energy sources, and, for social organisms, knowing who its friends are. If it fails at any of these things, it will die.

What is common to all of this? Differentiation, discrimination, and hierarchy. Differentiation is essential throughout: a lung is not a liver is not a heart. Discrimination is essential as well: friends are not enemies; predators are not prey; food is not poison.

Systems and subsystems must also be ordered in hierarchical levels. Subsystems may be nested many levels deep, and every level there will be local rules of order — but the survival of the organism itself is a holistic concern of the highest importance, as subsystems generally will not survive the death of the organism as a whole.

A healthy organism, then, is a dynamic system comprising a hierarchy of differentiated and subordinate organs, tissues, and subsystems. At every level its survival requires discriminations, and local rules, of a thousand different kinds. Even the simplest living thing is a system of astonishing complexity.

Because a living organism does not exist statically, but in a dynamically balanced equilibrium of energy throughput, it has a weapon against entropy that dead things don’t. A corpse decays in a matter of weeks; some living things can maintain themselves in good order for centuries. When its hierarchical inner organization is working harmoniously, a healthy organism can repair and replace damaged or worn-out parts. When its discriminatory faculties are in good order, a living system can keep itself fed and sheltered, and can detect threats, and avoid or neutralize them.

Such maintenance is itself hierarchical in its operation. For example: most of the time, a warm-blooded animal regulates its body temperature by local and automatic adjustments of its internal subsystems. When it is cold, it might shiver, or make its fur stand up, or divert blood from its surface to its core. When it is hot, it might pant, or sweat. If this is not enough, though, the problem must be addressed at a more holistic level, further up the hierarchy of systems: the animal must find shelter or shade. So another attribute of successful living systems is subsidiarianism: the management of necessary responses at the appropriate hierarchical level. What it can do “locally”, without imposing demands on higher-level systems, it will.

In general, all of this happens quite instinctually. There is no need for a dog to consult an operation manual to decide whether it is in fact hot enough to start panting, any more than we need to understand the chemistry of digestion in order to absorb nutrients. Indeed, the complexity of living systems is such that such explicit knowledge would be quite impossible. The organs and subsystems simply do what they do, and interact as they need to interact. With much effort we have learned a thing or two about all of this, and can tinker with it a bit — but we still know very little, and our tinkering, more often than not, has unintended and harmful consequences.

We did not design our living bodies; they are simply presented to each of us, as we enter the world, as an antecedent fact. Whether you believe they are the end-product of billions of years of evolutionary trial and error, or of divine creation by a superintelligence beyond our comprehension, doesn’t really matter: either way, living systems are, as far as we know, the most complex things in the Universe — and they survive, and defy entropy, by maintaining themselves in a harmonious, dynamic equilibrium that involves differentiation, discrimination, and a responsive balancing of holism and subsidiarianism in a multilevel hierarchy that is, for the most part, beyond our understanding.

We can say this also, I believe, about human societies: that they are living organisms, and that we did not design them, but rather come into them, as we do our bodies, as an antecedent fact. Like living things, they survive, and defy entropy, by maintaining themselves in a harmonious, dynamic equilibrium that involves differentiation, discrimination, and a responsive balancing of holism and subsidiarianism in a multilevel hierarchy that is, for the most part, beyond our understanding.

If all of this is true, and living systems such as our bodies and our societies really do embody knowledge that is vastly beyond the capacity of any individual to understand, then an awareness of our relative ignorance should compel us to go carefully as we tinker. Instead, though, the fashion in politics, academia, and high culture today is for a blithe and arrogant unwisdom that regards some of the essential features of healthy living systems — in particular, differentiation, discrimination, and hierarchy — as unwholesome and offensive defects.

In other words: a subsystem, in this case the organism’s brain, has gone rogue, and is usurping the lawful operation of other essential systems. Its malfunction includes a particularly mortiferous delusion, namely that it has the knowledge and understanding to override all of the natural, subsidiary functions of the organism without killing it.

As noted above, a healthy organism can sometimes repair malfunctioning parts, or mount an immune response to dangerous pathogens. Perhaps this is already happening. Time will tell.

Conservation Of Entropy

This entry is part 1 of 2 in the series Conservation of Entropy.

I note two related items in the media today: one is this story, about introducing a new “adversity score” to the Scholastic Aptitude Test, and the other is this essay, by Heather Mac Donald, about the poor performance of “diversity hires” in elite law-firms. The link between them, is, of course, an unfortunate truth, previously understood by all, but now forgotten (or, more accurately, forbidden).

Of all the stubborn facts of the actually existing world, the one that most vexes egalitarian idealists, in every age, is the variety of human abilities and outcomes. This is unsurprising, if one correctly understands radical egalitarianism as an activist proxy for the Second Law. Entropy seeks always to make things level — and so, in time, mountains crumble to fill in valleys, cathedrals fall to rubble, and towering geniuses die and return to dust. To quote one observer who long ago returned to dust himself: castles made of sand fall into the sea, eventually.

The radical leveling of the American Founding — which enshrined as sacred governing principles the wholly disruptive ideas that no person has natural sovereignty over another, and that every human being has an inalienable natural right to live in liberty and to pursue happiness — didn’t, it now seems, go nearly far enough. Because it grounded its principles in Nature — to be specific, in the “Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God” — the Founders made the fundamental error of acknowledging, and accepting, one of Nature’s self-evident truths: that human beings, despite the equality of their natural rights, are nevertheless manifestly, and irremediably, unequal in their individual characters, faculties, and talents. Some people are, just by their very nature, stronger, swifter, smarter, taller, more beautiful, more industrious, braver, kinder, thriftier, and even happier than others — and if there is to be Liberty, then these natural inequalities will assert themselves, always.

Some years ago I quoted Will Durant:

Since Nature (here meaning total reality and its processes) has not read very carefully the American Declaration of Independence or the the French Revolutionary Declaration of the Rights of Man, we are all born unfree and unequal; subject to our physical and psychological heredity, and to the customs and traditions of our group; diversely endowed in health and strength, in mental capacities and qualities of character. Nature loves difference as the necessary material of selection and evolution; identical twins differ in hundreds of ways, and no two peas are alike.

Inequality is not only natural and inborn, it grows with the complexity of civilization. Hereditary inequalities breed social and artificial inequalities; every invention or discovery is made or seized by the exceptional individual, and makes the strong stronger, the weak relatively weaker, than before. Economic development specializes functions, differentiates abilities, and makes men unequally valuable to their group. If we knew our fellow men thoroughly we could select thirty per cent of them whose combined ability would equal that of all the rest. Life and history do precisely that, with a sublime injustice reminiscent of Calvin’s God.

Nature smiles at the union of freedom and equality in our utopias. For freedom and equality are sworn and everlasting enemies, and when one prevails the other dies. Leave men free, and their natural inequalities will multiply almost geometrically, as in England and America in the nineteenth century under laissez-faire. To check the growth of inequality, liberty must be sacrificed, as in Russia after 1917. Even when repressed, inequality grows; only the man who is below the average in economic ability desires equality; those who are conscious of superior ability desire freedom; and in the end superior ability has its way. Utopias of equality are biologically doomed, and the best that the amiable philosopher can hope for is an approximate equality of legal justice and educational opportunity. A society in which all potential abilities are allowed to develop and function will have a survival advantage in the competition of groups. This competition becomes more severe as the destruction of distance intensifies the confrontation of states.

To make matters worse, because natural assets are significantly (though not exclusively) heritable, then the freer and more classless the society, the more these innate inequalities will increase overall as the gifted seek each other out as mates. Those from humble origins who have the natural gifts to do so will almost always move up and out, “boiling off” the best genes from what, over time, becomes an increasingly inspissated and dysfunctional underclass.

This is not to say that there are not still, for many unfortunate children, environmental impediments to success: there can be little doubt that poor nutrition, broken homes, illiterate parents, fear of violence, and other hardships can thwart and stifle even the truly gifted, and we should try to recognize and foster talent in every corner of society. But the assumption that all people are by definition exactly equal in innate ability, and that therefore all variation in outcome is necessarily due to remediable social oppression, is obviously, certainly false, and if we seek to inflate ability by bureaucratic artifice — whether in standardized testing, or college admissions, or by diversity-hiring quotas — we are just pushing the problem along the pipe. Eventually, there will be a collision with reality: the poorly engineered bridge collapses, the badly written brief loses millions for the client, and so on.

It is easy to see, though, why such inequalities are troubling. Throughout history accelerating inequality has been at the root of violent revolutions. The process repeats itself again and again: if the entropic force of resentment is held in check, the overclass grows farther and farther apart from the underclass, while its numbers decline by low birthrates; meanwhile the underclass grows more and more numerous, and more and more resentful. Inevitably, one of two things happens: either a charismatic figure comes along around whom all of this resentment can coalesce, and the guillotines come out; or the overclass, weak and soft and besotted by luxury, succumbs to hungry invaders whom the underclass has no inclination to resist.

How, then, to balance order against chaos, liberty against equality? In the long run, perhaps the result is the same, no matter what: you can have your entropy “as you go”, rusting and leveling everything day by day — or you can get it all at once.

Perspective

It’s a truism that older people always think things are going to hell — but it’s only older people that actually have something to compare the present to.

Racist Thing #108

Farming.

The Suffering Of The Innocent

This entry is part 2 of 8 in the series Pilgrim's Progress.

My friend Bill Vallicella, the Maverick Philosopher, has a new post up on what I consider the most difficult challenge to belief in God: the arbitrary suffering that is such a conspicuous feature of the world that He created and sustains. How could a God that combines the triple perfections of omniscience, omnipotence, and absolute benevolence permit this?

Bill’s post focuses on the suffering of animals in nature, and begins with a description of a baby elephant being torn to pieces by a pack of lions. But why, you might ask, address the problem of animal suffering, and not begin with all the horrors that humans have inflicted on each other? It is because we can see that God had no choice in permitting the evil that men do to one another: if men are not radically free to choose what they do, then they become mere slaves, or automatons — and God did not want to create slaves or machines, but free beings, made in God’s own image, with the capacity for voluntary self-perfection. If we are to be truly free, though, and therefore responsible for our own moral choices, then we must also, however distressingly, be free to choose evil. And we very often do.

But we do not suppose that any of this applies to animals, who act not from moral choice, but from natural instinct, and so do not have our chance at transcendent perfection. Why, then, must they be made to suffer so?

The question is even sharper when it comes to the suffering of innocent humans: the toddler who suffers the torments of cancer, or the multitudes who are sheared away each year in natural disasters. How can a God of the three perfections possibly allow this capricious evil? As I contemplate the possibility of belief, this seems by far the biggest obstacle.

Bill clarifies the discussion by bringing in the idea of “pointless evil”. For all we know, there may be evils apparent to us that are in fact necessary for the possibility of a greater good. (Any parent who has dealt with a frustrated two-year-old understands this in a way that the child cannot — and we stand in a position of far greater ignorance relative to God than a child does to his parent.) What should stymie belief in God, then, is only evil that in fact serves no higher purpose. Bill draws on a formulation taken from the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy:

Theological Premise: Necessarily, if there is a God, there are no pointless evils.

Empirical Premise: There are pointless evils.

Conclusion: There is no God.

But here’s the rub: how can we, in our finitude and ignorance, know what is or isn’t pointless? Bill continues:

Now the lions’ eating alive of the baby elephant would seem to be a pointless evil: why couldn’t an omnipotent God have created a world in which all animals are herbivores?

But — and here the skeptic inserts his blade — how do we know this? in general, how do we know that the empirical premise is true? Even if it is obvious that an event is evil, it is not obvious that it is pointlessly evil. One can also ask, more radically, whether it is empirically obvious that an event is evil. It is empirically obvious to me that the savagery of nature is not to my liking, nor to the liking of the animals being savaged, but it does not follow that said savagery is objectively evil. But if an event or state of affairs is not objectively evil, then it cannot be objectively pointlessly evil.

So how do we know that the so-called empirical premise above is true or even empirical? Do we just see or intuit that an instance of animal savagery is both evil and pointless? Suppose St. Paul tells us (Romans 1:18-20) that one can just see that the universe is a divine artifact, and that God exists from the the things that have been made, and that therefore atheism is morally culpable! I say: Sorry, sir, but you cannot read off the createdness-by-God of nature from its empirical attributes. Createdness is not an empirical attribute; it is an ontological status. But neither is being evil or being pointlessly evil.

So both the theist and the atheist make it too easy for themselves when they appeal to some supposed empirical fact. We ought to be skeptical both about Paul’s argument for God and the atheist’s argument against God. Paul begs the question when he assumes that the natural world is a divine artifact. The atheist too begs the question when he assumes that all or some evils are pointless evils.

Will you say that the pointlessness of some evils is not a direct deliverance but an inference? From which proposition or propositions? From the proposition that these evils are inscrutable in the sense that we can discern no sufficient reasons for God’s allowing them? But that is too flimsy a premise to allow such a weighty inference.

The dialectical lay of the land seems to be as follows. If there are pointless evils, then God does not exist, and if God exists, then there are no pointless evils. But we don’t know that there are pointless evils, and so we are within our epistemic rights in continuing to affirm the existence of God. After all, we have a couple dozen good, but not compelling, arguments for the existence of God. One cannot prove the existence of God. By the same token, one cannot prove the nonexistence of God. One can bluster, of course, and one can beg the question. And one can do this both as a theist and as an atheist. But if you are intellectually honest, you will agree with me that there are no proofs and no objective certainties in these sublunary precincts.

This is why I say that, in the end, one must decide what one will believe and how one will live.

“One must decide.” Well, yes — but how? Bill shows us that reason alone has insufficient grounds for a verdict; neither case is proven beyond a reasonable doubt. Upon what do we fall back, then? C.S. Lewis argued that our awareness of natural moral law — laid down, to quote the Declaration of Independence, by “Nature and Nature’s God” — is proof of the existence of a transcendent and righteous Lawgiver. But if we are to accept this, then we may — nay, must — appeal to our moral intuitions to help us arrive at a verdict.

So, then, what does my own moral intuition have to say about a two-year-old writhing in pain from bone cancer? When I ask, the answer is this: that it is wrong, that it is evil, to make an innocent child suffer so. Try as I might, I cannot imagine what “greater good” could justify such an act of torture (or even how such a horror could serve any “good” at all). Either my conscience is a reliable proxy for God’s moral guidance, or it is, as the atheists say, merely a pragmatic social adaptation, an evolutionary by-product of a purposeless world. If the former, it seems to convict God — but how can I square that with belief in God’s triple perfections? If the latter, then the answer is simple: there is no God, and pointless evil exists.

So — if reason is helpless to acquit, and conscience votes to convict, then what is left for the believer? Only the persistence of his sense of the transcendent, and the yearning to believe. If we are to let God off the hook, the problem of “pointless evil” must simply be set aside as a mystery beyond our comprehension. Can we do it? Ought we do it?

Miss You, Mom

It’s Mother’s Day, so I will take a moment to remember my own mother Alison, now thirteen years gone.

Here’s what I wrote about her just after she died.

There And Back Again

We’re back in the States after our whirlwind trip to Vienna. The expedition was a success: Lily, who turned ninety-eight today, bore up well, though it was exhausting for her. She was glad to visit her hometown one last time, and although she is almost completely blind, she enjoyed being taken around to some old familiar places. The opening of the exhibit was, as it turns out, rather a big deal in Vienna: there were reporters there, and on Wednesday we had coffee and cake with the Mayor, Michael Ludwig.

Here’s a photo of Lily and der Burgermeister, taken in a reception room at the magnificent Rathaus:
 

 

We’re worn out, but I look forward to catching up on current events and getting things back to normal around here.

Service Notice

The lovely Nina and I will be away for a week. The Jewish Museum of the City of Vienna has mounted an exhibit featuring three artists who fled Vienna as the Nazis took over, and one of the three — the only one surviving — is my mother-in-law Lily, who has lived in New York City since the outbreak of the war. We are escorting her back to Vienna for the opening (and to visit with our daughter, who lives there with her young family).

Lily will be ninety-eight in a few days. She is blind now, and terribly frail, and this will surely be her last trip.

I’m not taking a computer. It will be good to disconnect.

“An Extraordinary Legal Defect”

In the news today is a scathing letter from Emmett Flood, the Special Counsel to the President, to Attorney General William Barr. It was written on April 19th, shortly after the lightly redacted Mueller Report was released to the public.

The Mueller Report may have produced no indictments, but this letter charges the Mueller team with grotesque mishandling of their assignment. It begins:

Dear Mr. Attorney General:

I write on behalf of the Office of the President to memorialize concerns relating to the form of the Special Counsel’s Office (“SCO”) Report (“SCO Report” or “Report”) and to address executive privilege issues associated with its release.

The SCO report suffers from an extraordinary legal defect: it quite deliberately fails to comply with the requirements of governing law. Lest the report’s release be taken as a “precedent” or perceived as somehow legitimating the defect, I write with both the President and future presidents in mind to make the following points clear.

I begin with the SCO’s stated conclusion on the obstruction question: The SCO concluded that the evidence “prevent[ed] [it] from conclusively determining that no criminal conduct occurred.” 300 Report v.2. p2. But “conclusively determining that no criminal conduct occurred” was not the SCO’s assigned task, because making conclusive determinations of innocence is never the task of the federal prosecutor.

What prosecutors are supposed to do is complete an investigation and then either ask the grand jury to return an indictment or decline to charge the case. When prosecutors decline to
charge, they make that decision not because they have “conclusively determin[ed] that no criminal conduct occurred,” but rather because they do not believe that the investigated conduct constitutes a crime for which all the elements can be proven to the satisfaction of a jury beyond a reasonable doubt. Prosecutors simply are not in the business of establishing innocence, any more than they are in the business of “exonerating” investigated persons. In the American justice system, innocence is presumed; there is never any need for prosecutors to “conclusively determine” it. Nor is there any place for such a determination. Our country would be a very different (and very dangerous) place if prosecutors applied the SCO standard and citizens were obliged to prove “conclusively . . . that no criminal conduct occurred.”

Because they do not belong to our criminal justice vocabulary, the inverted-proof-standard and “exoneration” statements can be understood only as political statements issuing from persons (federal prosecutors) who in our system of government are expected never to be political in the performance of their duties. The inverted burden of proof knowingly embedded in the conclusion shows that the Special Counsel and his staff failed in their duty to act as prosecutors and only as prosecutors.

Second, and equally importantly: In closing its investigation, the SCO had only one job — to “provide the Attorney General with a confidential report explaining the prosecution or
declination decisions reached by the Special Counsel.” 28 CPR. 600.8(c). Yet the one thing the SCO was obligated to do is the very thing the SCO intentionally and unapologetically
refused to do. The SCO made neither a prosecution decision not a declination decision on the obstruction question. Instead. it transmitted a 182-page discussion of raw evidentiary material combined with its own inconclusive observations on the arguable legal significance of the gathered content. As a result, none of the Report’s Volume II complied with the obligation imposed by the governing regulation to “explain the prosecution or declination decisions reached.”

The SCO instead produced a prosecutorial curiosity — part “truth commission” report and part law school exam paper. Far more detailed than the text of any known criminal indictment or declination memorandum, the Report is laden with factual information that has never been subjected to adversarial testing or independent analysis. That information is accompanied by a series of inexplicably inconclusive observations (inexplicable, that is, coming from a prosecutor) concerning possible applications of law to fact. This species of public report has no basis in the relevant regulation and no precedent in the history of special independent counsel investigations.

An investigation of the President under a regulation that clearly specifies a very particular form of closing documentation is not the place for indulging creative departures from governing
law.

You really should read the whole thing. You can do so here.

As Emerson said: “When you strike at a king, you must kill him.’ The Democrats have emptied their magazine at the President, who has given them full cooperation while biding his time. Now that his enemies have exhausted their ammunition without result, however, it is Mr. Trump’s turn.

Coming soon: the results of the Barr, Horowitz, and Huber investigations. There will be blood.

The Empirical Strikes Back

One thing that you may have noticed is that where science conflicts with hegemonic ideology, science takes a beating. (You shouldn’t have much difficulty thinking of both historical and contemporary examples, from Galileo to E.O. Wilson, and I’m sure Judith Curry would agree.)

Nowhere is this more apparent in our own time than in the matter of human genetics and the heritability and distribution of cognitive, behavioral, and personality traits. If the science gets too awkward in this area, well, then it’s the science that has to go — and it’s getting pretty awkward.

An example of this is a recent book called “Is Science Racist?”, by an anthropologist (surprise!) named Jonathan Marks. There’s a review of it, generally unfavorable, at an online magazine called Areo, but what caught my eye was a remarkable response in the comment-thread by a reader using the handle “A New Radical Centrism”. (The name apparently refers to a social-media group about which you can learn more here.)

The comment is so outstandingly good that I shall reproduce it in its entirety:

This review only flits around the reason that I believe that the scientific method is coming under intensified and coordinated attack from the activist left in academia — and that reason is preemption. It has to do with cutting off the opposing army before it can land the final devastating and humiliating blow: Direct evidence for the genetic basis of important group differences.

2018 was a year in which you began to get the sense that the environmentalists in the nature-versus-nurture debate on differences in individual cognitive and behavioral traits finally threw in the towel. Huge genome-wide-association studies (GWAS) and tools like polygenic risk scoring took over where twin studies had fairly convincingly left off, but added the coup de grace — hundreds of specific genes and variants were identified and associated with traits and outcomes like cognition and educational attainment.

As the year faded, standard bearers for the left like the New York Times, the Guardian, and New Statesman — each aggressively hostile over the years to genetic arguments (the case of Nicholas Wade at the NYT is an example of what happens when you dare to go against the environmental orthodoxy) — began to start to walk a tightrope across the chasm between what their readers (indoctrinated in the pleasantries of the blank slate religion) wanted to read and what science was actually saying. Sometimes you had to read between the lines, but the message was clear: We’ve got some bad news for you. To be able to maintain any credibility among the scientists doing the most important research, these papers all realized that they had to back down from their pro-environment positions, and they did.

And so, with respect to individual differences in these traits, the verdict appeared to be in: Genes had finally won. This was especially true with respect to intelligence. It is now estimated — based upon large studies conducted over the last several years — that by mid-adulthood about eighty percent of individual differences in intelligence can be explained by genes. With respect to certain executive cognitive functions, a large study found that up to 100 percent of these are heritable.

But the genes-versus-environment battle over individual differences isn’t the big one for the left. The big one — potentially Armageddon — is the battle over group differences. A genetic basis for the consistent and significant gaps in IQ between racial groups (e.g., a staggering twenty-point difference between African Americans and Asian-Americans) has the potential of destroying the foundation upon which much of the progressive-left project in the US has been built, leaving it no more excuses, no more facile blame-throwing at “oppressive social forces.” The statistical and empirical evidence for a genetic basis for racial IQ gaps — called “circumstantial” by the left — is already overwhelming, consisting as it does of IQ data from over 500,000 persons obtained through a variety of different scientifically-validated tests (some actually deliberately designed to skew toward blacks or against Asians), adoption studies, racial admixture studies, controlled-for-SES studies, brain studies, and so on. The desperation of the left, evidenced in tactics such as its endless smear campaigns against honorable and respected scientists like Arthur Jensen, suggests that it quietly (and perhaps even subconsciously) suspects that the worst is true. Otherwise, why would it so aggressively fight against the idea of funding for rigorous scientific research which should, to their way of thinking, ultimately produce the promised egalitarian result?

If 2018 was the year in which the genes-versus-environment battle over individual differences was finally decided in favor of genes, then 2019 is already shaping up as a year in which a preemptive strike by the activist left in the battle over group differences is going to be launched. Is Science Racist? is just a bit player in this spectacle. Most of it is going to play out in places like the New York Times, which in the past two weeks alone has gone after after James Watson (low-hanging fruit) and now — predictably after his courageous NYT op-ed back in March 2018 attacking the scientific validity of the notion of race as a purely social construct — even the formidable David Reich. The attacks will be shameless, involve diversions and strawmen like “white supremacy” — shouldn’t it be “northeast Asian supremacy” or “Ashkenazi Jewish” supremacy, anyway? — and, as always, be thin on the actual science. Politically-motivated hacks like Amy Harmon, the NYT’s hitwoman (a science reporter with no training in a scientific field), will interview third-rate scientists with deep activist resumes (or will simply avoid interviewing scientists at all) and avoid eminent figures (like Richard Haier or even James Flynn) who she knows will tell her things that she and her editors and readers don’t want to hear. Institutions like the Times may believe that morality and compassion are on their side, but their fervor and desperation suggest that they already know that science isn’t.

Piercing.

The author of the comment also provided further context on Twitter for his posting, namely the firing of Cambridge researcher Noah Carl for hinting at unsayable truths. Learn more about that here.

Kissing The Ring

In his Notes On Democracy, H. L. Mencken said of the American politician the following thing:

He is a man who has lied and dissembled, and a man who has crawled. He knows the taste of boot-polish. He has suffered kicks in the tonneau of his pantaloons. He has taken orders from his superiors in knavery and he has wooed and flattered his inferiors in sense.

One of the lowest aspects of Democratic Party politics in our time (and that’s no small thing, given the benthic abysses the party has descended to in recent years) is that among the many flavors of boot-polish any aspiring Democrat must taste on his way up is that of the execrable race-hustler Al Sharpton. The latest to do so is the mayor of South Bend, Indiana, one Peter Buttigieg — a charismatic and articulate young man who hopes that his homosexuality will trump his sex and race in the Intersectionality Olympics that our politics and culture have become. Mr. Buttigieg crawled to a soul-food restaurant today in Harlem to perform the requisite salaams and obeisances.

Given that none of us would ever have heard of Mr. Buttigieg were he not homosexual, Mr. Sharpton took care to feign the appropriate sort of ideological virtue. According to The Hill, he emitted the following puff of gas:

“This question of the religious right and homophobia, some of it in our community. It’s our responsibility. We need to deal with homophobia in the black community.”

I read the item carefully to see if it might quote an earlier remark by Mr. Sharpton that, given the context, seemed apposite, but it wasn’t there:

“We taught philosophy and astrology and mathematics before Socrates and them Greek homos ever got around to it…”

Anyway, I hope they had a pleasant lunch. I’ve been to Sylvia’s, where the rendezvous took place, and the food is delicious. I imagine also that the Grandma Julia’s Fruit Punch would be the perfect complement to the chicken-and-waffles and a dab of Shinola.

Meanwhile, despite the fact that Mayor Buttigieg is the darling of the media this month, his magistracy of South Bend has hardly been a thing he’d want voters to pay much attention to. To learn more about that, you might enjoy reading a recent item from Daniel Greenfield, entitled Mayor Buttigieg Runs For President While His City Bleeds. It’s not easy to top Chicago’s homicide rate, but Mr. Buttigieg is a can-do kind of guy:

By 2017, shootings had risen 20% on Mayor Buttigieg’s watch. Rapes increased 27% and aggravated assaults rose from 183 in 2013, the year before Buttigieg took office, to a stunning 563 assaults.

Read the article to learn more. At the very least, it seems that a look at South Bend should make us think more deeply about whether we really want to promote this man to the highest executive office in the free world.

But then again, I mustn’t be too harsh. After all, he’s gay! And he speaks Norwegian! And that nice Al Sharpton seems to like him.

The Trump Doctrine

Michael Anton, a senior fellow of the Claremont Institute who is currently a lecturer and researcher at Hillsdale College, wrote what became the most influential political essay of the 2016 presidential campaign: The Flight 93 Election. (If you haven’t read it, I’m surprised — but you can do so here. Readers may also recall our brief conversation with Mr. Anton in these pages last year, in a series of posts beginning here.)

Mr. Anton has now published another essay of comparable importance, in which he clarifies and outlines the set of foreign-policy principles that history will call the Trump Doctrine. In his essay, Mr. Anton breaks it down into four core principles, but reminds us that Mr. Trump has summed it up in two pithy phrases: “There’s no place like home“, and “Don’t be a chump.”

Mr. Anton’s theme (and, presumably, Mr. Trump’s, even if he does not make it explicit) covers essential truths the suppression of which is an essential part of both Leftism and globalism: that human nature is real; that it cannot be switched off; that we ignore it at our peril; and that we must understand and accommodate it if we wish to flourish. The recognition of this truth manifests itself in the four pillars of the Trump Doctrine.

The first is that both imperialism and globalism (which are the same wine in slightly different bottles) impose an unnatural suppression and leveling of the distinctive characteristics of local populations and cultures. Because it is human nature to resent such coercion, sullen obedience gradually and inevitably gives way to resistance in the form of a populist backlash.

Next is the realization that we have now reached this point in history:

[T]he second pillar of the Trump Doctrine is that liberal internationalism — despite its very real achievements in the postwar era — is now well past the point of diminishing returns. Globalism and transnationalism impose their highest costs on established powers (namely the United States) and award the greatest benefits to rising powers seeking to contest U.S. influence and leadership. Washington’s failure to understand this truth has incurred immense costs: dumb wars to spread the liberal internationalist gospel to soil where it won’t grow or at least hasn’t yet; military campaigns that the United States can’t even end, much less win; the loss of prestige and influence; and closed factories and declining wages.

Trump is trying to correct course, not tear everything down, as his critics allege. He sees that the current path no longer works for the American people and hasn’t for a while. So he insists that NATO pay its fair share and be relevant and that allies actually behave like allies or risk losing that status. He’s determined to end free rides, on security guarantees and trade deals alike, and to challenge the blatant hypocrisy of those, such as China, that join the liberal international order only to undermine it from within.

The third pillar, according to Mr. Anton, is the understanding that the nations of the world are as culturally and politically diverse and heterogenous as the ethnies who create and sustain them, and that this profusion of natural diversity — in polar contrast to the stifling, coercive, and ultimately suicidal dogma of multiculturalism within the nations of the modern West — is indeed a many-splendored blessing that enriches the life of the world. It is worth preserving, and indeed, cherishing — and nothing will destroy it more effectively than the flattening, entropic force of globalism. Therefore:

The third pillar of the Trump Doctrine is consistency — not for its own sake but for the sake of the U.S. national interest. Unlike several of the world’s other leading powers — China, for example, but also Germany, which treats the EU as a front organization and the euro as a super-mark — Trump does not seek to practice “globalism for thee but not for me.” On the contrary, his foreign policy can be characterized as nationalism for all. Standing up for one’s own, Trump insists, is the surest way to secure it.

For too long, U.S. foreign policy has aimed to do the opposite. Washington has encouraged its friends and allies to cede their sovereign decision-making authority, often to anti-American transnational bodies such as the EU and, increasingly, the World Trade Organization. This is another carryover from the Present at the Creation era. Back in the late 1940s, it made sense to push Europe — especially Germany and France — to reconcile, especially in the face of a common Soviet threat. But that push stopped paying dividends a long time ago. Yet Washington keeps pushing.

Look at how the U.S. foreign-policy establishment lambasts Poland and Hungary for standing up for themselves at the same time that it warns that Russia today has become as great a threat as it was during the Cold War. Supposing that claim is true (a dubious proposition)*, wouldn’t it then make sense for the United States to encourage a strong Eastern Europe, with strong countries — including Poland and Hungary — to act as a bulwark against Russian revisionism? It’s not clear how browbeating these countries to submit to Brussels accomplishes that aim.

Some Trump critics insist that “nationalism for all” is a bad principle because it encourages or excuses selfishness by U.S. adversaries. But those countries are going to act that way regardless. By declining to stand up for the United States, all Washington does is weaken itself and its friends at the expense of its adversaries, when it should be seeking to strengthen the power and independence of America and its allies instead.

Fortunately, Asia as yet has no supranational superbureaucracies on the scale of the EU. In Asia, therefore, the Trump administration has a freer rein to pursue its nationalist interests, precisely by working in concert with other countries pursuing theirs. To return briefly to Trump’s Vietnam speech, his invocation of that nation’s heroic past was not simple pandering. It served as a reminder that a strong Vietnam is the surest protection, for the Vietnamese and for the United States, against a revanchist China.

It follows, then, that:

This idea points to the final pillar of the Trump Doctrine: that it is not in U.S. interests to homogenize the world. Doing so weakens states whose strength is needed to defend our common interests.

Globalism, Mr. Anton writes, “makes the world less rich, less interesting, and more boring.” He quotes Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn:

In recent times, it has been fashionable to talk of the leveling of countries, of the disappearance of different races in the melting pot of contemporary civilization. I do not agree with this opinion… Nations are the wealth of mankind, its collective personalities; the very least of them wears its own special colors and bears within itself a special facet of divine intention.

In short, then, the author concludes:

Trump is simply putting U.S. foreign policy back on a path that accords with nature.

Amen to that. Now how’s that wall going?

Read Mr. Anton’s essay here.
 

* I don’t think that’s a dubious claim at all. As Stephen F. Cohen has argued for years, the present Cold War is in many ways more perilous than the first.

About Time!

Here’s the story of the day:

BOSTON ”“ A Massachusetts judge was indicted Thursday on charges that she helped a man who was living in the U.S. illegally sneak out a back door of the courthouse to evade a waiting immigration enforcement agent.

Newton District Court Judge Shelley M. Richmond Joseph and former court officer Wesley MacGregor were charged with obstruction of justice based on accusations that they schemed to let the man escape after a hearing last year on charges that included drug possession.

More here.

I hope they throw the book at her, pour encourager les autres. This haughty self-righteousness in “sanctuary-state” judiciaries — missionary judges imagining they are a law unto themselves — is absolutely intolerable, and it’s time we put a stop to it.

Scalia: How Should A Christian Think About Socialism?

Following on the spiritual dissatisfaction I expressed in my April 5th post, I’ve been reading On Faith, a newly released collection of the late Justice’s speeches and essays on his Catholic religion.

In one of his speeches, Justice Scalia considered how a Christian should think about socialism:

The allure of socialism for the Christian, I think, is that it means well; it is, or appears to be, altruistic. It promises assistance from the state for the poor, and public provision of all the necessities of life, from maternity care to geriatric care, and from kindergarten through university. Capitalism, on the other hand, promises nothing from the state except the opportunity to succeed or fail. Adam Smith points unabashedly to the fact that the baker does not provide bread out of the goodness of his heart, but for profit. How uninspiring. Yet if you reflect upon it, you will see that the socialistic message is not necessarily Christian, and the capitalist message not necessarily non-Christian. The issue is not whether there should be provision for the poor, but rather the degree to which that provision should be made through the coercive power of the state. Christ said, after all, that you should give your goods to the poor, not that you should force someone else to give his.

He makes clear that he is not addressing socialism as a system of government, which he says “can be decided on the social and economic merits of the matter”, but specifically as a Christian:

Christ did not preach “a chicken in every pot, or “the elimination of poverty in our lifetime”; these are worldly, governmental goals. If they were His objectives, He certainly devoted little of His time and talent to achieving them — feeding the hungry multitudes only a couple of times, as I recall, and running away from the crowds who wanted to put Him on the throne, where He would have had an opportunity to engage in some real distribution of wealth. His message was not the need to eliminate hunger, or misery, or misfortune, but rather the need for each individual to love and help the hungry, the miserable, and the unfortunate.

Charity, then, is not just for the sake of the poor, but is equally important for the giver — and so Christians should recognize that its usurpation by the government is a spiritual error:

To the extent the state takes upon itself one of the corporal works of mercy that could and would have been undertaken privately, it deprives individuals of an opportunity for sanctification and deprives the body of Christ of an occasion for the interchange of love among its members.

I wonder to what extent the decimation of women’s religious orders throughout the West is attributable to the governmentalization of charity. Consider how many orphanages, hospitals, schools, and homes for the elderly were provided by orders of nuns. They are almost all gone; the state provides or pays for these services. Even purely individual charity must surely have been affected. What need for me to give a beggar a handout? Do I not pay taxes for government food stamps and municipally run shelters and soup kitchens? The man asking me for a dollar probably wants it for liquor. There is, of course, neither any love nor any merit in the taxes I pay for those services; I pay them under compulsion.

From a Christian standpoint, even the poor are spiritually harmed by government support:

The governmentalization of charity affects not just the donor but also the recipient. What was once asked as a favor is now demanded as an entitlement. When I was young, there used to be an expression applied to a lazy person: “He thinks the world owes him a living.’ But the teaching of welfare socialism is that the world does owe everyone a living. This belief must affect the character of welfare recipients””and not, I suggest, for the better. Or at least not for the better in the distinctively Christian view of things. Christ’s special love for the poor was attributable to one quality that they possessed in abundance: meekness and humility. It is humbling to be an object of charity””which is why mendicant nuns and friars used to beg. The transformation of charity into legal entitlement has produced both donors without love and recipients without gratitude.

Meekness, humility, and gratitude. When was the last time you caught sight of any of those?

Au Crepuscule

Sunset tonight at Rock Harbor on Cape Cod:
 

 

Setting The Fox To Guard The Henhouse

Over at the American Conservative, Rod Dreher comments on a blog-post by one Sofia Leung, who is “The Teaching And Learning Program Manager at MIT Libraries”.

Ms. Jeung writes:

If you look at any United States library’s collection, especially those in higher education institutions, most of the collections (books, journals, archival papers, other media, etc.) are written by white dudes writing about white ideas, white things, or ideas, people, and things they stole from POC and then claimed as white property with all of the “rights to use and enjoyment of’ that Harris describes in her article. When most of our collections filled with this so-called “knowledge,’ it continues to validate only white voices and perspectives and erases the voices of people of color. Collections are representations of what librarians (or faculty) deem to be authoritative knowledge and as we know, this field and educational institutions, historically, and currently, have been sites of whiteness.

Library collections continue to promote and proliferate whiteness with their very existence and the fact that they are physically taking up space in our libraries. They are paid for using money that was usually ill-gotten and at the cost of black and brown lives. In the case of my current place of employment, the university definitely makes money off of the prison industrial complex and the spoils of war. Libraries filled with mostly white collections indicates that we don’t care about what POC think, we don’t care to hear from POC themselves, we don’t consider POC to be scholars, we don’t think POC are as valuable, knowledgeable, or as important as white people. To return to the Harris quote from above, library collections and spaces have historically kept out Black, Indigenous, People of Color as they were meant to do and continue to do. One only has to look at the most recent incident at the library of my alma mater, Barnard College, where several security guards tried to kick out a Black Columbia student for being Black.

Mr. Dreher notes:

This woman is not some SJW kook beavering away in the basement of Evergreen State, or a dyspeptic grad student in Grievance Studies. She is an important librarian at MIT. What’s more, the venerable trade publication Library Journal tweeted her blog entry. The blog entry in which she calls for the purging of library collections because white people wrote them and loved them and collected them. Their existence offends her sense of justice.

With her remarks, Ms. Jeung declares herself, in unambiguous terms, to be an enemy of white people and the civilization they created (which includes, of course, the institution hat employs her). That such a person should have any role in the stewardship of a Western university library — that she should have been given power over the transmission, to future generations, of the cultural heritage of a civilization she openly despises — is suicidal insanity. It is what Chiang Kai Shek called “a disease of the heart”.

Paris, Burning

We all saw the horrifying news of the fire at Notre Dame yesterday. It was unspeakably sad.

It was also, as others have also noted, perhaps the most powerful metaphor imaginable for the death of Christian Europe. (Can you think of a more iconic symbol of high Western civilization anywhere on the Continent? I can’t.)

For some of us, though, the shock seems to have been softened by our long awareness of the West’s mortal disease — so, rather than it being a thunderbolt from nowhere, it felt more like hearing that a pancreatic-cancer patient has taken a turn for the worse.

The Smile Of Nature

Thirteen years ago I wrote a post entitled Fall Guy, in which I noted that, whereas the summer and winter are seasons of stagnation, balanced upon the solstices and ending more or less as they begin, the spring and fall are times of movement and change:

The seasons move in a cycle, and one might graph them using the familiar sine curve that is pressed into service to depict so many other cyclical phenomena. At the “peak’ of the curve is the summer, when the Sun makes its maximum excursion northward, and at the trough is the winter, when the sun shines most directly on the lands south of the Equator. At these extremes we have a stultifying sense of stasis ”” the “dog days’ of summer, and the “dead of winter’ ”” when time seems almost to stand still. If you were to draw a tangent to the sine curve at those points, marking what in calculus is called the “derivative’, or the instantaneous rate of change, its slope would be nil. But at the midpoints of the curve, the places where the line is neither at peak or trough, but is at what is known as a “zero crossing’, the rate of change is at a maximum, and this is where we find ourselves in the fall and spring.

At the time, I had a clear preference for the fall:

Of the two, many prefer the spring, but give me the autumn ”” I love the beautiful colors, the crisp snap in the air, the rich bounty of the harvest, and the return to serious and purposeful work after the torpor brought on by the summer’s ghastly heat.

That was when I was fifty years old. But as I turn sixty-three tomorrow, I’m not so sure. I still love the fall, but perhaps I’m just a little more appreciative of renewal these days — or maybe it’s that, at long last, I’m starting to notice, for the first time, the way that cold gets into an older person’s bones. (Or maybe I’ve just had enough of having to clear a steep driveway every time it snows.)

Whatever the reason, I can’t remember ever having felt more gladness at the arrival of spring than I do this year.

Here’s Doctor Johnson with some thoughts for the season, taken from the April 3, 1750 edition of the Rambler:

There is, indeed, something inexpressibly pleasing in the annual renovation of the world, and the new display of the treasures of nature. The cold and darkness of winter, with the naked deformity of every object on which we turn our eyes, make us rejoice at the succeeding season, as well for what we have escaped as for what we may enjoy; and every budding flower, which a warm situation brings early to our view, is considered by us as a messenger to notify the approach of more joyous days. The spring affords to a mind, so free from the disturbance of cares or passions as to be vacant to calm amusements, almost every thing that our present state makes us capable of enjoying. The variegated verdure of the fields and woods, the succession of grateful odours, the voice of pleasure pouring out its notes on every side, with the gladness apparently conceived by every animal, from the growth of his food, and the clemency of the weather, throw over the whole earth an air of gaiety, significantly expressed by the smile of nature.

Slavery, Abortion, Heresy

Here. (See also this, from, of all places, Vox).

How To Start A Fire

The House held a hearing on “white nationalism” today. One of the speakers was the conservative black woman Candace Owens, who gave a rousing opening statement. You can watch it here.

The focus on “white nationalism” by the Left has been a clever and effective tactic, one that exploits the essence of the conservative disposition. It is in the nature of that disposition to enjoy a quiet and orderly life, and to take one’s pleasure and fulfillment from that which is. It is therefore almost tautologically true that conservatives are by their very nature not social or political activists; indeed the word “conservative” attaches itself to nothing in particular.

This means that a conservative will be roused to political involvement, in general, only in reaction to that which is threatened — not by any pre-existing agenda for social or political change. If, then, you want to make people of a conservative disposition rise to defend something, the thing to do is attack it. If you want to see them become ardent capitalists, for example, you should go out of your way to attack capitalism. And if, let’s just say, you wished to create a previously nonexistent multitude of white identitarians, the thing you’d want to do would be to attack “whiteness”. You’d do it on TV and in the movies, in books and magazine articles, in political debates — and, most of all, you’d do it in the schools, where you have a captive audience of children and teens wondering what they ought to believe. You’d heap shame and scorn and guilt upon not only the present generation of white people — including white students themselves — but also upon their national heritage, the ancestors they were raised to venerate, and indeed upon the very civilization they’ve created. Suddenly scores of millions of conservatively inclined people, finding themselves accused, for their membership in a class they were simply born into, of the worst sorts of irredeemable social malevolence, will develop a defensive self-awareness, and will begin to stick up for themselves and the things they have created and sustained.

As soon as they’ve begun to do that, of course, you’ve got them right where you want them. Now you can point at this artificially inseminated, newly born identitarianism as being precisely the problem you’ve had your eye on all along, and suggest that it is now “in the open”, and “on the rise”. And you can build your own polyvalent coalition in opposition to it, doing everything you can to make people choose sides — which they will increasingly feel they have to do, as tensions rise and the middle hollows out.

And you should, of course, fan the flames as vigorously as possible throughout — with things like televised congressional hearings.

Wimps

It occurred to me just now that July 20th of this year will be the 50th anniversary of the first time that men walked on the Moon.

There should be Dunkin Donuts on the Moon by now. What the hell happened to us?

Pilgrim’s Progress

This entry is part 1 of 8 in the series Pilgrim's Progress.

As I get older (I will be sixty-three in a week or so) it becomes harder and harder for me to accept the Universe as a “brute fact”: a thing that just is, and that cannot, even in principle, be accounted for. It’s difficult for everyone, of course, not just me, and so people who are strongly committed to atheism and philosophical materialism have worked hard to provide some sort of explanation to set against a belief in God. I used to share that commitment myself — quite militantly so, well into my middle years — and even now I have only gotten as far as a restless and unsatisfied agnosticism.

I should note that the matter of personal belief is a different question from the place of religion in societies and civilizations. I’ve been keenly interested in the history and mechanisms of human flourishing for more than twenty years now, and the more I’ve learned the more I’ve come to understand the central importance of religion. It cannot be cast away; it can only be repressed and masked and perverted, as we see all around us today. (Ten years ago I wrote this post arguing that secularism is, in a Darwinian sense, maladaptive.)

The model that the materialists have devised to answer mankind’s stubborn questions hangs together well enough to dominate most (though hardly all) of the educated West. In brief, it’s this:

1) Where do people come from? How did we get here?

At some point after the Earth cooled, a few billion years ago, self-replicating molecules appeared. (Whether they formed here or arrived after having first formed somewhere else, we don’t know.) Once this process of self-replication began, the mechanism illuminated by Darwin’s great insight began to operate, and the great filter of natural selection began to favor replicators in which accidents of mutation had made them less likely to die, and more likely to make successful copies of themselves. Little by little these replicators became more complex, and differentiated forms found niches of various kinds — and sooner or later began to behave as if they had “interests” of their own. All of this took a very long time, but this gradual, iterative operation eventually resulted in the world we live in. It resulted in us. If it seems impossible to imagine that such a mindless process could ever produce the mind-boggling complexity of life, that’s just because our lives are so short that we simply cannot conceive of the vastness of time it’s taken.

2) We know that there are physical laws and constants that appear to be fine-tuned to support the existence of the world around us. If any one of them were different by even the slightest amount, our Universe would be completely uninhabitable. How can we explain this?

To understand this it’s important to keep in mind what’s called the “Anthropic Principle”. This is the common-sense idea that, since uninhabitable Universes would have no inhabitants, and therefore no observers, we should not be surprised that the Universe we see around us has whatever it takes for us to be able to live in it.

But the question still wants answering, and cosmologists have come up with two related possibilities. The first is that, rather than there being a single Universe, there is in fact an infinite collection of them — a Multiverse — in which every possible assortment of laws and constants is represented, at random, in some universe or other. The Anthropic Principle tells us that we could only be alive to ask these questions in a Universe that has things set up “just so”.

The other idea (which is really just a variation of the first, but differs from it in abstruse cosmological details) assumes a single, infinitely vast Universe, in which all the possible laws and constants are instantiated in different regions. The Anthropic Principle, as above, does the rest.

3) Why is there something rather than nothing?

The reason is that what you call “Nothing” is, according to quantum mechanics, not really empty at all — it is in fact a seething froth of “virtual particles” popping in and out of existence. If you wait long enough, random chance will produce an exceedingly unlikely event of sufficient energy to “bootstrap” a Big Bang, and so a Universe, into existence.

4) What is consciousness? How can it possibly be produced by the human brain, which is, after all, just a blob of ordinary matter?

We’re working on that! We hope to have some answers shortly. We assume, naturally, that the brain must be doing the trick somehow, so it’s just a matter of figuring it out.

How good are these answers? Well, as noted above, they seem satisfactory to a great many people — just as they were good enough for me, for much of my life. (I’ve thought about them a lot, ever since I was a boy.) But they get weaker as you go down the list. Here’s how they seem to me now, a third of the way through my seventh decade:

‣   Answer #1 is the strongest of the lot. The continuity and unity of Earthly life seems clearer and clearer the more we learn, and perhaps the strongest argument for the evolutionary connectedness of the great biological tree is the weaknesses of many living forms, the little hack-jobs and jury-rigs made by repurposing existing parts. Nobody with bad knees, back problems, or appendicitis is going to confront without considerable skepticism the notion of an omnipotent Intelligence who designed every animal from scratch.

That said, it’s hard to look at the astonishing machinery of life — especially the micromachinery, such as the transport protein linked above — and not have the feeling that there has to be something more at work here than the purposeless agitations of atoms and the void. I understand that I cannot begin to grasp what billions of years actually means; in practical terms, for me to try to map my experience of time onto the history of life on Earth it is to confuse the finite with the infinite. Still, though, it’s hard to look at the detail of it all — the incomparable engineering of it all — and not see it as being, somehow, miraculous. This wasn’t a problem for me when I was twelve, or twenty-five, or even forty, but it is, I must confess, becoming rather a problem for me now.

‣   Answer #2 is plausible, but terribly convenient. It posits, on no evidence, that there are unseeable regions of reality in which the laws and constants of Nature are different — but even that isn’t enough: in order to get the statistical part of the argument to work, we must also assume that all possible configurations of the laws and constants are instantiated somewhere in the Multiverse (in order to give the Anthropic Principle the scope it requires). It doesn’t appear, though, that the laws and constants of Nature vary over time; this is, after all, why we call them laws and constants. Why should we believe they vary over space, or between Universes? Indeed, why should we believe in other Universes at all, except as a gimmick to account for the unlikeliness of the world we find ourselves in?

It seems impossible to explain the fine-tuning of the physics of the Universe without having it either being done “by hand”, or by imagining this infinite (and infinitely variegated) Multiverse that we cannot see or touch. Which is the cleaner assumption? In the absence of a third suggestion — and I’ve never heard one — it seems one or the other must be true. But both of these models must be taken on faith. How to choose?

‣   Answer #3 is all the rage these days, and it’s nicely in line with what we’ve learned over the past hundred years or so about the laws of physics. But where do they come from? Isn’t it possible, at least in principle, to imagine a Nothing that is not governed by the rules of quantum mechanics? If it’s possible in principle, why was it inevitable that a Something embodying those rules, which gave rise to Everything Else, should have been the case? Mightn’t nothing, not even the laws of physics, ever have come into being at all?

I have listened, for example, to the physicist Lawrence Krauss trying to convince me that he has an answer to this question of ultimate origins; he’s written a book about it, after all. I have never, though, seen him give a satisfactory answer to the question of where the laws of physics themselves come from. The best he can do, as far as I can see, is to say it might all just be an accident — in other words, a “brute fact” — or to do some more hand-waving about the invisible Metaverse. That’s all fine, I guess, but if that’s all you’ve got, you haven’t really explained as much as you think you have, and you’ve left the biggest question unanswered. It certainly shouldn’t be enough to make you think anyone ought to believe you when you go around saying you’ve refuted the idea of God.

‣   Answer #4 is no answer at all. Consciousness is a mystery, and if someone tells you it isn’t, they’re wrong, or they’re lying, either to themselves or to you. The idea that consciousness is supervenient on the brain does seem reasonable, sort of — after all, we can delete and restore it with anesthesia, and alter its contents with drugs and electrical stimuli — but we don’t have the slightest inkling, in physical terms, of how the trick is done. Simply put, we still have no idea what consciousness is.

The Standard Model, then, leaves a lot to be desired. Nevertheless, skepticism goes both ways. To give just one example (I could give many more):

Finding myself “between two chairs”, and more open to the idea of religious belief (in the personal sense) than I have ever been before, I took up C.S. Lewis’s Mere Christianity the other day, and am about halfway through it. I’ve always liked Lewis’s style — so clean and simple and English — and I looked forward to reading him without the adversarial stance that I had formerly brought to his discussions of, say, our faculty of reason.

But right away there was trouble. Mere Christianity takes as the foundation of its argument our moral sense: Lewis wishes to argue that this Moral Law transcends our instincts, and therefore cannot be of the natural world. Our animal instincts, he notes, point us toward our own gratification: food, sex, sloth, self-preservation, etc. But the Moral Law often acts against these instincts, so it cannot itself be one of them:

Another way of seeing that the Moral Law is not simply one of our instincts is this. If two instincts are in conflict, and there is nothing in a creature’s mind except those two instincts, obviously the stronger of the two must win. But at those moments when we are most conscious of the Moral Law, it usually seems to be telling us to side with the weaker of the two impulses. You probably want to be safe much more than you want to help the man who is drowning: but the Moral Law tells you to help him all the same.

The obvious objection to this argument is that if the Moral Law is itself an instinct — an evolutionary adaptation to regulate the behavior of social animals — then Lewis’s example collapses to this:

If two instincts are in conflict, and there is nothing in a creature’s mind except those two instincts, obviously the stronger of the two must win… You probably want to be safe much more than you want to help the man who is drowning: but the social instinct is stronger, and tells you to help him all the same.

Lewis’s book is wise and insightful, but for a “seeker” whose commitment to non-theistic scientific materialism is falling away, his choosing such a weak argument to be the foundation of a Christian manifesto rather spoils the rest of the book.

Where, then, does all of this leave me? It seems there is no process of pure reason that will settle these ultimate questions, and so I must either believe nothing, or rely on faith. To believe nothing, though, is a good deal harder than it sounds: it’s easy, perhaps, when one is young and can defer the question while focusing on practical matters, but as one’s shadow lengthens, and the distractions of youth and middle age fall away, the great mysteries come increasingly to the fore. I would like very much, in the time I have left, to be able to believe something. But if pure Reason cannot tell me what to believe (and it is Reason itself that has convinced me it can’t), and so belief must be built upon Faith, then where should Faith be placed? Such are my stubborn habits of mind that I am still, in some way, hoping that Reason will help me adjudicate between the competing prospects. But I’m starting to see that this isn’t really how it works — the harder I try, the more I see the limits of Reason.

What am I to do?

A Most Dangerous Game

Here’s the distinguished Russia scholar Stephen F. Cohen on what he calls the “myth” behind Russiagate: the idea that Russia “attacked” the United States during the last presidential election.

Nobody’s Going To Answer For Anything

A friend of mine wrote me yesterday to send me an item linked by Tyler Durden over at Zero Hedge. The original is a post by one James Howard Kunstler, and it begins as follows:

The tides are shifting. Something’s in the wind. And it’s not just the fecund vapors of spring. The political soap opera of RussiaGate ended like a fart in a windstorm last weekend, leaving Mr. Mueller’s cheerleaders de-witched, bothered, and bewildered. And then a crude attempt was made to cram the Jussie Smollett case down Chicago’s memory hole. These two unrelated hoaxes emanating out of Wokester Land may signal something momentous: the end of the era when anything goes and nothing matters.

Welcome to the new era of consequences! All of a sudden, a whole lot of people who have been punking the public-at-large will have to answer for their behavior.

My friend added:

The Mueller Report.
The Jussie Smollett Day disgrace.
The Stormy Daniels lawyer and media darling unmasked as a serial criminal.
The media denial.
The Southern Poverty Law Center implosion.
What a historically good week for unmasking the death of shame.

It certainly has been a heady couple of weeks! Alas, though, I think that Mr. Kunstler is far too optimistic. As I replied to my friend (who lives in a far-flung corner of the Anglosphere), all these things would, in peacetime, be terrible, career-shattering, party-wrecking embarrassments. The thing is, though, that there’s a bit of a civil war going on over here, I think, and so the only rule now in play is this:

Defend your people, always. Attack the enemy, always, with whatever comes to hand.

As the historian Michael Vlahos has been explaining to John Batchelor these past months: you don’t know, except in hindsight, when civil wars have begun. (It strikes me as being much the same as falling into a black hole: once you’ve passed the event horizon, all possible pathways lead through the singularity — even though, to the person falling in, there’s nothing noticeable about the event horizon itself.)

So while the Blue team has every reason to feel humiliated and abashed, it isn’t going to happen. When the stakes are existential, as they are in American politics in 2019, people don’t surrender; they only fight on more desperately.

Racist Thing #107

Food.

This one’s a twofer: “climate change” and racism.

Andrew McCarthy On The Aftermath, Cont’d.

In yesterday’s post I quibbled with Andrew McCarthy’s call, in an article he’d published at Fox News, for full disclosure of the Mueller report and everything else associated with the Russiagate witch-hunt. Today I listened to an interview he gave with John Batchelor on Tuesday, and I see that I had missed his point. As he explained on the Batchelor show, it is that there will be further disclosure of the special prosecutor’s case — indeed, even to have had the brief summary we’ve already been given is far more than is customary in investigations where no charges are ever to be brought — and so we should have not only the Mueller team’s official version of what they dug up on Trump & Co., but also the material that a prosecutor would normally have to give the defense in a trial. In this case that includes FISA applications, the Rosenstein scope memo, whatever documents pertain to the origination of the investigation, etc.

Mr. McCarthy is right (and so is our commenter JK). I retract my quibble. Listen to the interview, in two parts, here and here.

Living Fossil

In the previous post, I linked to a podcast by Andrew McCarthy. Do you recall the origin of the word “podcast”? It is a moment of tech history preserved in amber: a reference to the Apple iPod, a now-obsolete music player introduced in 2001. There are still many of them out there, but they will soon go the way of the cassette player and the VCR.

It’s always interesting to see how neologisms linger, long after their transient original context passes away. We still “tape” live events, and “dial” numbers, and every new political scandal is still christened as Something-gate. The whole English language is like this, and the lifespan of such coinages is potentially infinite — for example, we still draw a “salary” for our labors, even though it has been a very long time indeed since the soldiers of Rome were paid in salt.

Andrew McCarthy On The Aftermath

Podcast here. Article here.

One quibble: the Democrats and the media are bawling for the public release of the full text of the report, and Mr. McCarthy seems to think that would be OK — as long as we get everything else as well:

You want disclosure? Me too. But let’s see all of it. Not just Mueller’s report. Let’s see everything: all of the memoranda relevant to the opening of the investigation, all of the testimony at closed hearings, all of the FISA-warrant applications, all of Rosenstein’s scope memo. (A year ago, I surmised that scope memo is redacted because it relies on the Steele dossier ”” as did the FISA-warrant application Rosenstein had approved just a few weeks earlier; anyone want to bet me on that?)

I’m not so sure. There are sound reasons why we don’t release details of prosecutorial investigations of people who are never charged: mainly because it drags their names and reputations through the mud, while they have no representation or remedy. That quibble aside, though, read the article. Andrew McCarthy, who is himself a former Federal prosecutor, has been an enormously important resource throughout this long and shameful farce, and this essay is as thorough and detailed as always.

The Mountain Labored, And Brought Forth A Mouse

Well! The Mueller report’s in, and has confirmed that this whole Russia business was nothing but a frame-up all along. Thanks so very much, news media and Democrat saboteurs (but I repeat myself) for hijacking the nation’s public affairs for two long years of round-the-clock bile, slander, and lies.

This will end nothing, of course: Adam Schiff and Jerry Nadler will continue to abuse the awesome power of the State in hope of finding something — anything — they can use to hamper and attack the President. Rest assured they will use their subpoena power to browbeat and intimidate scores of American citizens as they search in desperation for a crime. Maxine Waters and her lynch mob in Congress will continue to slaver for impeachment.

There will be no apology forthcoming from the media; no contrition at all for their years of false accusations, or for creating a toxic atmosphere in Washington that made impossible any hope of diplomacy with Russia. (In doing this they have caused incalculable damage to American foreign policy and to global strategic security.)

Will there be punishment for those who mounted this fraud in the first place? For the people who abused the nation’s most powerful intelligence and law-enforcement agencies in the hope of overturning an election, and destroying a Presidency? For those who obtained multiple secret-court surveillance orders on false pretenses in order to spy on political opponents? For those conspirators who put their thumbs on the scale of justice to keep their own party’s candidate out of jail? Don’t hold your breath.

The insanity of the American Left will only intensify now, in their rage and frustration.

It’s going to be a long, hot, summer.

And The Foundations Of The Mountains Shook

Nine years ago, in a post about the Eyjafjallajokul volcano in Iceland, I wrote the following thing:

Meanwhile, if you’re starting up an End Of Days seismic-catastrophe pool at the office, I think the smart money is on the Cascadia Subduction Zone up in the Pacific Northwest.

Admittedly, that was nine years ago, and nothing’s happened so far. But nine years, in geological terms, is the heartbeat of a gnat. Today I ran across an item at City Journal describing the CSZ threat in minatory detail:

When it happens, the earth will slip by roughly 60 feet along a rupture zone more than 600 miles long, unzipping the sea floor at roughly two miles per second and convulsing the West Coast for as long as five minutes. Bridges will fall. Wet soil will liquefy. Brick and masonry buildings will shatter. Skyscrapers built before modern earthquake codes may topple. City centers in Portland, Seattle, and Vancouver will be buried beneath glass shards and rubble. Everything underground””water mains, natural gas pipes””will be crushed. Land that has bulged upward from tectonic pressure for the past 300 or so years will collapse to baseline, permanently altering the topography and plunging low-lying coastal areas into the ocean. The inland Cascade Mountains will knock the knees out from under the earthquake, but numerous landslides will occur, especially on roads built with a “cut and fill’ method, where flat slabs get cut out of rock walls and smoothed over with soft fill. Just a few minutes after the quake finally stops, the second hammer blow will strike. Tsunami waves up to 50 feet high will rip the face of the coastal region clean off the map, pulverizing everything and killing everyone in their path.

It’s hard to say in advance how many will die. It depends on the time of year and the time of day. The Pacific Northwest as far north as British Columbia has a Mediterranean precipitation pattern, with warm, dry summers and cool, wet winters. An earthquake during the rainy season will result in a lot more liquefaction and landslides. Better for disaster to strike during the summer, then””except that thousands more tourists will be at the beach and get swept away by tsunamis. The ideal time would therefore be after Labor Day, when the beach is less crowded but before the autumn rains come, and better by far at 4 AM, when schools and downtown high-rises are empty and there’s little or no traffic on bridges. “Best case,’ says geologic-hazard coordinator Althea Rizzo at the Oregon Office of Emergency Management, “is between 2,000 and 6,000 fatalities.’ If the quake happens during the school year, she adds, fatalities could tally in the tens of thousands. “That’s just for Oregon. And that’s not factoring in the tsunami, which will kill even more people.’ The United States could conceivably lose more people in an hour, in a single part of the country, than we lost over an entire decade in the Vietnam War.

The Northwest coast being a “deep-blue” area, no doubt the primary concern will be the catastrophe’s disparate impact on women, minorities, undocumented immigrants, and endangered species. But it looks as if there will be plenty left to go around.

Read the article here.

Peter Brimelow On Christchurch

Having read Rachel Fulton Brown’s commentary on the New Zealand massacre, you should now go and read Peter Brimelow’s. His point is a simple one: when nations are deliberately destroyed, and all peaceful means of preventing the calamity are suppressed, what remains will be evil reactions by violent men.

Rachel Fulton Brown On Christchurch

I’ve just read an item at American Greatness about the Christchurch massacre. The article is by Rachel Fulton Brown, a professor of medieval history who keeps an excellent blog called Fencing Bear At Prayer. I am an admirer of Ms Brown’s — there are many reasons for me to be — and her essay rightly chides those of the commentariat who have tried to read a clean and Narrative-friendly ideology into the shooter’s manifesto:

They have opined on its citations of Sir Oswald Mosley and Candace Owens, parsed claims that it makes about the shooter’s ideology, and declared the shooter’s ties to 8chan are clear evidence of his right-wing extremism. They have described the manifesto as “a document of the utmost single-minded clarity.’ And they are certain it says something about the “extreme right,’ particularly in its references to medieval European history and the Crusades.

Their confidence in their reading would be laughable if it were not so biased by their own ideological preconceptions. To put it bluntly, they have been pwnd.

Ms. Brown thinks they expect rather too much from the man behind the slaughter. Describing the manifesto as incoherent, she writes:

The whole document reads like a series of red herrings strewn about the pages of a thriller by Dan Brown. Even attempting to parse this cut-and-paste nonsense is to fall into the trap.

Nevertheless, she parses the screed in some detail. For example:

The historical ignorance on display in such gestures would be breathtaking if it were not so banal. Perhaps if the journalists and their fellow handwringers knew a bit more medieval history they would not fall so easily into the trap. The actual Crusaders, including the Knights Templar, had far more respect for their Muslim opponents as Muslims than any hand-wringing multicultural apologist does today. As one aristocratic Arab-Syrian Muslim famously recorded in the mid-12th century:

Whenever I visited Jerusalem I always entered the Aqsa Mosque, beside which stood a small mosque, which the Franks had converted into a church. When I used to enter the Aqsa Mosque, which was occupied by the Templars, who were my friends, the Templars would evacuate the little adjoining mosque so that I might pray in it.

The Templars even chastised a newly arrived Frank when he attempted to remove the gentleman from the mosque.

Professor Brown is quite right — as we should expect! — in her critique of the document, and of those who expect too much of it, and read too much into it. It is, however, the idiomatically perfect expression of a certain enthusiastic type on the new Right, one that I’m afraid to say I know rather well: the giddily reactionary “shitpoaster” whose head is filled with a vague, quasi-historical pageantry of thrones, altars, Crusaders, feudal lords, Civil War generals, and thumbnail images of legendary defenders of the of the West such as Charles Martel and Holger Danske. He is young, and beyond his comic-book version of history, he is ignorant. He knows things have gone horribly wrong in the modern world (as they have), knows that secular, multiculturalist universalism is a dangerous pathology (as it is), and knows that mass importation of Islam into Western nations is suicidal folly (right again). He knows little else — other than that, at this point, everything his eye lights upon has got to go. He feels all the excitement that action, however destructive, offers the supercharged thumos of a twentysomething male. Most such young men find some other outlet for this sort of thing, but every so often there is one who just bursts. When I said in my earlier post that I did not think this man was insane, I meant that he was not incapable of reason — but clearly he had a pathological lack of restraint.

Ms. Brown hints at the possibility of conspiracy:

The one thing that the shooter’s manifesto makes clear is that somebody out there wants a race war and that somebody wants both Christians and Muslims to bear the blame, even as decades of attacks against Christians””and Muslims””of all races have failed to spark this war. Somebody out there is confident that an attack on the right group of innocents will spark the conflagration, if only the proper trigger can be pulled.

Maybe that somebody is a person””or persons””with considerable economic and political power.

She concludes with this:

But that anybody, even for an instant, took this manifesto seriously as anything other than an effort to provoke violence? That is far more worrying than anything one might find in the manifesto itself.

Indeed, that’s all it was. And what’s more, it said so. Pace Ms. Brown, however, the manifesto did show a “single-minded clarity” in its statement of intent, and that alone. It stated very clearly that the purpose of the attack was to provoke a civil war — which, in the shooter’s imagination, would summon the avatars of the warrior heroes of the West, and would bathe this weak and corrupted world in purifying flame. All that blather about religion and The People’s Republic of China and Pope Urban was just froth and effervescence.

Read Ms. Brown’s article here.

A Dispatch From Laputa

With a hat-tip to Nick Land, here is a densely mathematical paper that purports to model the world economy in terms of the degree of restriction of migration policy.

I have looked it over, but I cannot say that I have followed its argument in detail. (If any of my readers would like to do so, I’d be interested to know what they think.) But two things are worth noting.

First, the model, as far as I can tell, treats every human on Earth as an identical, fungible token. It does take into account regional differences in “human capital”, but ascribes them entirely to remediable externalities (such as education). It is not hard to understand why a team of researchers laboring in the contemporary academy would make such an assumption, but I’ll just say (for the sake of preserving my chances for a future Supreme Court appointment) that choosing such an axiom may perhaps be a fundamental error.

Second is what caught my eye when Nick tweeted it:

[G]rowth in utility drops substantially in the short run as many people move to areas with high real GDP; hence these areas become more congested and become worse places to live (lower amenities). This initial loss in growth is, however, compensated in the long run by a large surge in productivity growth after year 2200.

You read that right: 2200. Let me restate that for the record: if the West floods itself with Third World immigrants, it will become a “worse place to live” — but only for a couple of centuries, at which point those of us who have managed to wait patiently enough will begin to be “compensated” by a surge in “productivity growth”.

I hardly know what to say in conclusion. It’s rare that I find myself at a loss for words, but…

Renewable Energy: Fraud And Folly

A couple of months ago I posted an item about Germany’s ostentatious effort to rely on solar and wind power: a flamboyant exercise in virtue-signalling that has become a spectacular, and costly, failure. (I should add that I also consider those giant windmills we now see everywhere — someone has aptly called them “eco-crucifixes” — to be aesthetically hideous. They actually give me a frisson of horror, like the towering tripods from The War of the Worlds, every time I see them.)

Now I have for you an article, by the noted eco-warrior Michael Schellenberg, that makes the case against large-scale wind and solar power with clarity and passion. Solar and wind farms, he argues, are unreliable, costly, and enormously destructive — and if we really care about the environment, we should abandon them in favor of the safest and most efficient resource man has ever discovered: nuclear energy.

I couldn’t agree more. Read Mr. Schellenberg’s essay here.

Slaughter In New Zealand

The world is aghast today at the news of a massacre in a mosque in Christchurch, New Zealand. The shooter was a white Australian; the victims were Muslims. As I write the death-toll stands at forty-nine. This is a horror, a sickening atrocity.

It is important to try to understand what happened here, especially as both sides of a deeply divided civilization begin to apply their spin. The shooter left a seventy-four page manifesto, which I have just read. There is clearly a lot of irony and sarcasm in it, and a lot of trolling and “shitpoasting”, but for readers who know the argot of the darker corners of the Internet it hangs together well enough, and authentically enough, that for the purposes of this post I will take it at face value.

First of all: it is accurate to call this massacre “right-wing terrorism”. The gunman’s manifesto is a screed against demographic and cultural entropy, and as such it is of the Right. Some on the Right have already tried to paint him as a man of the Left, based on his self-identification as an “eco-fascist”; he is not. Nor is he, however, a “white supremacist”; he is an ethnic/cultural/racial separatist, who expresses explicit approval of a diversity of peoples and cultures living in separate homelands, including Muslims. Nor is he a “conservative”, in anything remotely resembling the NRO/WSJ sense. (Indeed, he mocks such “conservatives”.)

Nor can we say, in any strict sense, that he is insane, if we define insanity as an incapacity for reason. His manifesto is lucid and literate, and follows its axioms consistently. You can say, if you like, that those axioms mark him as insane all by themselves, or that only an insane person would do what he did, but he certainly was not incapable of reason. There will be no insanity defense.

If we take the manifesto seriously, his motivation was explicit: he is an accelerationist. He saw Western civilization — the “extended phenotype” of the European people — as being under assault by an entropic pathology, and believed that the only way out was to arouse a revolt that would force people to choose sides. He makes clear that he committed this atrocity in order to arouse such a heated backlash on the Left — in particular, to provoke an anti-Second-Amendment firestorm in the United States — that civil war would become inevitable.

This is not the work of a simpleton or a lunatic; this is someone who understood very well what he wanted to accomplish, and how to set about it. I should not be at all surprised if his crime does indeed provoke exactly the anti-gun, anti-Right frenzy he hoped for, which in turn will have precisely the incendiary effect he wanted. (The Left, meanwhile, will seek to blame as much of this as they can on Donald Trump — which is just another part of what the shooter was hoping for. But that has it backward: Donald Trump is a symptom, not a cause.)

In short: the shooter saw the West, as a living organism, succumbing to a wasting autoimmune disease. By exacerbating the symptoms, he hoped to provoke an immune response, in the form of civil war. His murderous rampage will almost certainly push things in exactly the direction he says he intended.

I could be wrong about all of this. The manifesto could be a sham; the shooter could be a false-flag plant, or an agent of some murky conspiracy. I’m only trying to make sense of this story as best I can, in its immediate aftermath. Such a thing wants explaining, and simply invoking Evil won’t do, not in this case — although evil it most certainly was.

Also: none of what I have written here is intended to excuse or justify this horrific crime. Do not be surprised, however, if we see more and more such savagery, from both sides of this deepening divide.

Weaponizing The SPLC

The immensely profitable and influential hate-propaganda racket known as the Southern Policy Law Center is in the news today for firing its 82-year-old founder, Morris Dees, for unspecified “personnel violations”.

I’m glad to hear it, of course: the SPLC is a “social-justice” flim-flam in the business of organized slander against everyone to its right, and its blacklist of “hate groups” is amplified with destructive force by powerful agents throughout media and politics. In particular, mainstream news outlets routinely cite the SPLC as a canonical authority on whom to despise. Morris Dees has made a fortune at this, and I’m happy to see him go — though of course he is merely retiring into luxurious senescence, which is a shame. (I suppose religious readers can take comfort in the certainty that once his cushy retirement comes to an end, he will rot in Hell.)

But there’s another SPLC story out there that should make your skin crawl. It is a story from the Detroit News, telling us that Michigan’s Attorney General, one Dana Nessen, is planning a smothering assault on “hate”:

Michigan’s attorney general and Department of Civil Rights on Friday laid out plans to increase the documentation and prosecution of hate crimes…

Bad enough already; the very idea of “hate crimes” is an abomination against justice. But it gets much, much worse:

Michigan Department of Civil Rights Director Agustin Arbulu announced the department is creating a process to document hate and bias incidents that don’t rise to the level of a crime or civil infraction.

Wait, what?

Attorney General Dana Nessel previously announced plans for a hate crimes unit in her office. She reiterated the plans Friday after a report from the Southern Poverty Law Center found active hate and extremist groups in Michigan had increased by more than 6 percent from 2017 to 2018.

The center’s report said Michigan has 31 hate and extremist organizations ”” an uptick from the 28 the group reported in 2017 ”” but some of the listed groups take issue with the classification.

I’m sure they do. But there is no court of appeal here: what the SPLC says, goes. Once they’ve called you a “hate group”, you can count on the slander being repeated anytime your name comes up in the media. But the worst is still to come:

Nessel’s new unit will fight against hate crimes and review any groups identified in the SPLC list, her spokeswoman Kelly Rossman-McKinney said.

There you have it: catch the SPLC’s attention, and you will come under “review” by the “hate-crimes” commissariat of Dana Nessel’s Ministry of Justice. (Just imagine what “review” means.) And if you think you’ve got nothing to fear, because you’ve never done anything wrong, think again:

Arbulu’s plans for a database would document hate and bias incidents that don’t rise to the level of a crime. The database would then be used to identify areas where awareness and education programs are most needed, he said.

“Education programs”.

Arbulu said he hopes the database will allow the department to be proactive and address issues before they rise to the level of a crime.

“It was a bright cold day in April, and the clocks were striking thirteen.”

Racist Thing #106

Air.

Join Or Die

Michael Anton comments on the seige of Tucker Carlson, here. The gist is in the final paragraph:

The ruling Left cannot defeat Carlson and so must silence him. As it will attempt to silence anyone who carries his message or anything like it. Every “conservative’ who joins the ritual denunciation of Carlson wishing to be eaten last may get his wish, but he surely will be eaten. In this, as in so many other things, we must, indeed, all hang together or, most assuredly, we shall all hang separately.

We are in existential territory here, friends. This man needs and deserves your support.

Man v. Mob

So good to see someone refusing to grovel for once.

Give ’em hell, Tucker.

Be Very Afraid

It’s time to panic, because the disastrous effects of climate change have now caused the cherry trees in Washington to blossom exactly when they usually do.