Be Very Afraid

It’s time to panic, because the disastrous effects of climate change have now caused the cherry trees in Washington to blossom exactly when they usually do.

This Thing All Things Devours

In Christianity and Culture (1949), T.S. Eliot wrote this about liberalism:

“…it is something that tends to release energy rather than accumulate it, to relax, rather than to fortify. It is a movement not so much defined by its end, as by its starting point; away from, rather than towards, something definite. Our point of departure is more real to us than our destination; and the destination is likely to present a very different picture when arrived at, from the vaguer image formed in imagination. By destroying traditional social habits of the people, by dissolving their natural collective consciousness into individual constituents, by licensing the opinions of the most foolish, by substituting instruction for education, by encouraging cleverness rather than wisdom, the upstart rather than the qualified, by fostering a notion of getting on to which the alternative is a hopeless apathy, Liberalism can prepare the way for that which is its own negative: the artificial, mechanized or brutalised control which is a desperate remedy for its chaos.”

When one studies the Left from every angle, from inside and out, in both its historical manifestations and its action in the present day, then the human and social particularities cancel out, and its one essential characteristic — what we might call its “chief feature” — comes clearly into focus. That feature, that essence, is entropy: the implacable tendency of ordered systems to run down, to yield to chaos, to exhaust their source of energy, to decay, to decompose, and to rust.

Order is difference. It is inequalities, gradients, distinctions. It is this thing over here being dissimilar from that thing over there in a way that offers the potential for movement, for action, for work. Order is, as Eliot says, the accumulation of energy, just as the warmth of the sun lifts to a hilltop the rainwater that, flowing downward again, powers a mill-race. Entropy is what makes the water end up at the bottom sooner or later, its energy released and spent. Entropy is what reduces mountains to rubble, and what makes bodies rot. Whenever something somehow stands up, entropy is what, sooner or later, grinds it down.

Order is the electric difference between a man and a woman that drives the dynamo of life and regeneration. Entropy is what seeks, in these dying times, to make the sexes the same. Order is a diverse global community of nations and cultures — in individual homeostasis, but with a thousand points of difference, and gradients of assets and needs, that make possible an infinitely complex web of mutually profitable relations and exchanges. Entropy is open borders and mass migration. Entropy is what peels the skins off nations and cultures and boils them together in a pot.

It is only because some things are higher, and other things lower, that we can aspire to anything at all. Order, by preserving differences, is what enables us to stretch our souls.

Entropy levels, flattens, diffuses, deflates, destroys. It is the relentless enemy of everything superior, special, noteworthy, exceptional, and distinctive. It seeks, without pause, to make everything equal to everything else. It is the heat-death of the Universe.

Leftism is Entropy.

Black Ops – A Report From The Front

Here’s a long and meaty interview with the Twitter commando who uses the name @WokeCapital. (You can view a sample WokeCapital thread here, in honor of International Women’s Day.)

This is a heady sample of cask-strength NRx shitpoasting, as opposed to the sherry-in-crystal-stemware stuff you get from geezers like me. Go have a look.

On Civil War

Just before heading off to Ireland a couple of weeks ago, I linked to a discussion between John Batchelor and Stephen F. Cohen about the “Sovietization” of American political culture in recent years. By this term, Professor Cohen referred to the increasing use of social, political, economic, and legal pressure to cow and silence those who dissent from the accumulating theses of “Progressive” orthodoxy. (A particularly worrisome aspect of this is that those theses are in constant leftward motion, so that one never knows, based on what was sayable yesterday, what is unsayable today — the effect of which is to make it safest simply to say nothing.)

Writing at at PJ Media, Richard Fernandez has taken up this topic in a brief item about the possibility of a new kind of civil war. After listing some examples of deepening political viciousness, he brings up the idea of “hybrid warfare”:

While one explanation for the fractiousness is a reversion to our primitive natural tendency to mistrust outsiders, the other possibility is that it is now the way modern warfare is waged. The Russians have ascribed events unfolding in Venezuela to an American Trojan Horse strategy. It “would rely on ‘protest potential of the fifth column’ to destabilize the situation in the countries with unwanted governments … using the technologies of color revolutions.”

The Russians, whose Soviet empire was overthrown by the color revolutions, have been experimenting with similar strategies known as hybrid warfare. As the NYT reported:

General Gerasimov laid out in an article published in 2013 … which many now see as a foreshadowing of the country’s embrace of “hybrid war”… analysts see a progression from the blend of subversion and propaganda used in Ukraine to the tactics later directed against Western nations, including the United States, where Russia’s military intelligence agency hacked into Democratic Party computers during the 2016 election.

With conventional war rendered suicidal by the advent of nuclear weapons, a cocktail of lawfare, info war, deliberate population movement, and targeted physical intimidation is now the toolset of choice and the Russians, Chinese, jihadis, EU, and USA each have their versions.

“The idea that the Russians have discovered some new art of war is wrong,’ Mark Galeotti, a Russia expert at the Royal United Services Institute and the author of “Russian Political War,’ said of the general’s latest speech. “This is basically the Russians trying to grapple with the modern world.’ Hybrid war has long been a Western military term of art, analysts say, especially in the context of counterterrorism.

But since the resulting battlefields are waged inside the country, there is little reason why domestic political conflict should not resemble the international ones. Because victory is now attained by jailing opponents, silencing or financially sanctioning them, punitive prosecution, deplatforming, and universal surveillance are used alike in both cases and it is increasingly hard to tell them apart.

In recent months I’ve made frequent reference to military historian Michael Vlahos, who, as another regular guest on Mr. Batchelor’s nightly show, has been discussing the possibility of civil war in America. One of the points he’s made often is that it’s hard to say, except in retrospect, when civil wars actually begin; before the armies take the field there are years, or often decades, of deepening strife in which comity disintegrates and the two sides learn to hate and dehumanize one another. When, for example, did America’s civil war of the nineteenth century really begin? At Fort Sumter? Or was that merely the moment that a civil war already in progress for decades burst into flame? In hindsight, it’s clear that the bitter antipathy between North and South was already beyond all hope of reconciliation long before the shooting started. The evidence is plain enough: Bleeding Kansas, the John Brown atrocities, the caning of Charles Sumner, the Congressional brawl of 1858 — or even the Graves-Cilley duel, which happened all the way back in 1838, and became a rallying point for an already darkening North-South antagonism.

So: has our new civil war already begun? Mr. Fernandez continues:

If a civil war were actually underway it would take the form of hybrid warfare and look much like what can already be observed today. It would explain why, in an era obsessed with safe spaces and tolerance, there is little of either left; why no one is safe from offense, nothing is private; why everything is increasingly criminalized. That context would explain why each new restriction, whether on the use of cash, private transportation, or gun ownership can be perceived as a veiled threat. “Speaking to conservative pundit Laura Ingraham, diGenova summed up his best advice to friends: ‘I vote, and I buy guns. And that’s what you should do.'”

It might shed light on why so many people already feel like psychological refugees with the strange sense they have been evicted from their homes and wondering: what happened to my country? To the church on the corner? To family gatherings? Trust networks? Why have they been turned into battlegrounds? … Is America already in a state of civil hybrid war from which only one winner can emerge? The problem with Trojan horses and the reason they’re so effective is that they remain ambiguous until it’s almost too late.

How did we come to such a pass? For those of us on the Right side of this gaping chasm, the answer is clear: the ground under our own feet hasn’t shifted much at all, while everything to our Left has torn away at an accelerating pace. Cultural and political opinions that were shared, without controversy, by almost every American just a few years ago — opinions still held by half of the nation’s people — are now “right-wing extremism”, and their public expression denounced and suppressed as “hate speech”. Saying a thing that once was obvious to everyone can now cost you your reputation, your livelihood, and in many parts of the West today, your freedom.

In China, the government has built a “social credit” system to track every citizen’s life in granular detail, and examine it for conformance to political and cultural guidelines. A low score is to be punished by, among other things, blacklisting for jobs and bank-loans, restrictions on travel, and public shaming. How is any of this different, except perhaps quantitatively, from what is happening in America and the West? The consequences are the same: express forbidden opinions, and you can already lose your job, your social-media accounts, and your access to banking and financial services. The social-credit system in China is overseen by a group called the Central Commission for Comprehensively Deepening Reforms. Would this not be an accurate title for what the new Democratic Party, in conjunction with media and academia, have become?

In a related item at PJ Media (thanks, by the way, to Bill Keezer for both of these links), Sarah Hoyt describes our horror at this steepening slide into totalitarianism, and explains why so many of us support Donald Trump, despite his obvious flaws. Referring to the new Left, she writes:

They don’t realize how much they’re scaring most of this country. They don’t understand how much we fear and loathe the faces they’ve revealed for decades, and particularly since Hillary lost: the praise of socialism, their reluctance to condemn even Venezuela, their crazy desire for not having borders and being open to invasion, their general hatred of America and hatred of all Americans.

Even if the media soft-pedaled it, most of us understood perfectly that Mr. Obama loathed America to the point of hating our flag.

And most of us saw in his presidency the perfect example of what happens when you elect a president who hates the country he leads.

We knew that to elect Hillary was to put in power the rest of the program of our destruction and we didn’t want that…

For decades, regardless of the party nominally in power, our polity had been in the hands of those who at best thought America was uncouth and needed reform, and at worst hated us and wanted to bring us low among the nations of the world. Open borders, ever-multiplying regulations that stopped our economy cold and sent jobs overseas, destructive welfare policies that actively made it punitive to stay together as a family. It goes on.

And in 2016, when they thought us softened enough, they brought out the full panoply of “socialist this” and “Marxist that.” Hillary’s running mate, for instance. And since then? The mask has come off yet further.

So we can either allow them to destroy this country, the last great place on Earth, or we can vote for whosoever opposes them. Even if the person is not what we wish.

For anyone in that frame of mind ”“ and I think we have a majority of the country at this point ”“ it doesn’t matter if Trump slept with a sex professional or if she blackmailed him under threat of talking about sleeping with him (remember, whores lie).

Heck, if he were found with a live boy and a dead girl at the same time, most of us would go, “not before breakfast’ and keep on trucking on.

Because we’re desperate. Because a president who loves America is better than the one who hates it, and because the socialist/communist madness is so strong in the Democrat Party that anyone who opposes them is better than anyone they run. (Remember, the USSR called itself socialist. The difference is one of degree and the sort of fiddly proprietorship on paper stuff only they care about, just like only penguins care about penguin sex differences.)

Because the next Democrat president might be the last president of a free America, and then we will have to shoot our way out of socialism.

That’s it exactly: we are desperate. We know how close we are to the edge, to the dissolution of civilized order into chaos and tyranny. We can feel in our bones the implacable hatred of our would-be commissars for everything we believe is good and right and true — along with a growing understanding that their hatred doesn’t stop at our traditions and beliefs. As long as we live and breathe, we are a threat. If the blood-soaked history of the twentieth century can teach us anything at all, it should teach us that it will not be enough to see us displaced and destroyed. They will want us dead and gone.

One of the milestones along the road to civil war is the normalization of violence as a rational response to a dehumanized enemy, followed soon after by an eagerness for general conflict. This eagerness arises first in the breasts of those seeking radical change, who see violence as justified by the righteousness of their cause, and who are usually young and excitable people who have a much better sense of how to destroy what exists than to build and preserve a system that, however flawed, actually works. (This also reflects that the Right, almost by definition, moves toward order, while the Left is always entropic.) But the Right is eminently capable of reactive, or even proactive, violence when confronted by an existential threat to order, and is every bit as liable to the “othering” and dehumanization of its enemies in preparation for war.

There is, then, a spiral of mutual threat and provocation in the run-up to war, along the course of which a people can go from general comity and commonality, to political or cultural division, to rancorous debate, to increasingly bitter struggle for political power, to “othering” and dehumanization, to normalized violence, to bloodthirsty eagerness for war, to general armed conflict. We are already well into the latter stages, and even on the Right I see martial enthusiasm increasing: the hatred of the enemy, the idea that we are now so far beyond reconciliation that there is going to be a fight, and that we might as well get on with it (especially as we are the ones who will most likely win).

I’ve written before that only a fool would actually wish for civil war:

Where I think I part company with many on the dissident Right ”” in particular, those who call themselves “neoreactionaries’, most of whom are, I think, several decades younger than I ”” is that so many of them seem to have a kind of breathless excitement about all of this; it seems they just can’t wait for all the fun they are going to have watching the apocalypse, and then rolling up their sleeves to show everyone how it ought to have been done. This seems to me profoundly, childishly, foolishly, heart-breakingly naÁ¯ve.

If this Fall happens ”” slowly at first, probably, and then quite suddenly ”” it will not be fun, and it will not be exciting. It will be awful. There will almost certainly be terrible suffering and dislocation; chaos, violence, plunder, terror, and despair. A great many irreplaceable treasures ”” our children’s ancient birthright and heritage ”” will be forever lost.

Whether we will be able to build something worthwhile upon this rubble is doubtful at best, and even if we manage it, it may take a very long time. High civilizations, and in particular high-trust societies, do not grow upon trees, and they are by no means the default human condition. Whatever follows a general collapse, or a civil war, in the West will not be a swashbuckling plot from a Robert Heinlein novel; it is far more likely to be a time of brutality, poverty, suffering, uncertainty, and fear.

Others may snap their fingers at the noble experiment now coming apart in America, and may imagine, on no practical experience, that they will know how to do it better. Not I. I will mourn and grieve for the great Republic we have, in our great unwisdom, so recklessly destroyed. Perhaps, as is received doctrine amongst neoreactionary sorts, the American system was doomed ab ovo; it carried in its very democracy the disease that would kill it. I have often said the same myself. But the men who framed this system knew this all too well themselves, and they knew and named the essential qualities and principles that might have inoculated us: qualities that we not only have failed to cherish, but now actively despise.

What makes us think we will get it right next time?

Whether we wish for it or not, however, our next civil war may already have begun. I will say also that if the only alternative is tyranny, then as stewards of our civilization we must fight.

Either way, I grieve for the American nation.

Back Home

The lovely Nina and I are back in the States after a ten-day visit to Ireland. We spent time with family in Lucan (a western suburb of Dublin), and toured around a bit. Among the latter were a “black-taxi” tour of the troubled sections of Belfast (an area still deeply divided, in which the walls put up during the Troubles to separate Protestant and Catholic enclaves are still standing, with their gates closed at night); a visit to the Titanic museum, also in Belfast; a look at the Book of Kells in Trinity College, Dublin, and a two-day road-trip to County Clare, on the west coast, where we visited the spectacular Cliffs of Moher, and drove extensively through the Burren.

There was also an awful lot of Guinness, and daily Irish Breakfasts, for which I now must atone.

As usual I paid little attention to the news while we were away, and I am still catching up. As far as I can tell things are pretty much the same here, by which I mean that we still seem to be moving smoothly and steadily toward civil war. Apparently even the Washington Post has finally caught on to this increasingly obvious fact, and ran a story about it last Saturday. The authors generally pooh-poohed the idea, without saying why; but because they couldn’t sign off without a swipe at Donald Trump (I think it must be in the standard contract at the Post), they offered this:

Then there’s the persistent worry by some about the 2020 election. “Given my experience working for Mr. Trump, I fear that if he loses the election in 2020, that there will never be a peaceful transition of power,’ Michael Cohen, Trump’s former fixer and personal lawyer, told a congressional committee Wednesday.

On that score, Cohen is not the only one who is concerned. As far back as 2016, Trump declined to say whether he would concede if he lost the election to Hillary Clinton, prompting then-President Barack Obama to warn that Trump was undermining American democracy. “That is dangerous,’ Obama said.

That issue was uppermost in the mind of Joshua Geltzer, a senior Justice Department official under Obama, when he recently wrote an op-ed for CNN urging the country to prepare for the possibility that Trump might not “leave the Oval Office peacefully’ if he loses in 2020.

“If he even hints at contesting the election result in 2020 .”‰.”‰. he’d be doing so not as an outsider but as a leader with the vast resources of the U.S. government potentially at his disposal,’ Geltzer, now a professor at Georgetown Law Center, wrote in his op-ed in late February.

Geltzer urged both major parties to require their electoral college voters to pledge to respect the outcome of the election and suggested that it might be necessary to ask the secretary of defense and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to reaffirm their loyalty to the Constitution over Trump.

“These are dire thoughts,’ Geltzer wrote. “But we live in uncertain and worrying times.’

The irony of raising concerns about Republicans not accepting election results did not, I am sure, cross the authors’ minds. Meanwhile, I see that Jerrold Nadler has today subpoenaed 81 people variously associated with Donald Trump, as part of the Democrats’ tireless effort to find some way — at whatever cost to the lives and reputations of scores of innocent people who now will feel the crushing, arbitrary power of the State — to eject from office the man who won the election three years ago.

But I’ll leave all that for later. We’re a little weary, and need to rest up for a day or two. Back soon.

Service Notice

The lovely Nina and I are off to Ireland for ten days, for a visit with our new extended family (and a little old-fashioned tourism). Things may be quiet here till we get back.

Meantime, do listen to John Batchelor’s recent discussion with Professor Cohen on the Sovietization of America in recent years. Part 1 is here, and part 2 is here.

Mirror World

Justin Smollett was arrested today. His story of having been attacked by Trumpist rednecks because he is black and gay was indeed a hoax, as I think most of us pretty much knew from the beginning.

The story now is that he perpetrated this flim-flam because he was dissatisfied with what he was being paid for his role in the TV series Empire, and wanted to attract attention to himself in order to get a raise. (I’ve heard that Mr. Smollett was paid $65,000 per episode. There have apparently been 75 episodes since 2015, which would mean the disgruntled actor had, in the past four years, been paid close to five million dollars. Poverty is relative, especially among media stars.)

I suppose this latest angle is intended to put the whole thing on more ordinary, avaricious terms, and to deflect the eye from the embarrassment of Narrative Collapse. What looked like a splendid opportunity to slander white, straight America in the usual way went blooie, and very spectacularly so — and so now Mr. Smollett must become just an ordinary grifter trying to enrich himself by telling lies. The media have commodious and well-lubricated memory holes for just this sort of thing, and I’m sure l’affaire Smollett will be broomed into one just as soon as some suitable new distraction comes along.

But even the new story, the greedy-grifter story, tells a story of its own.

So: Jussie Smollett wanted to attract attention to himself, in order to get a raise? Well, what kind of attention would a person in that position seek to attract? Favorable attention. Positive attention.

When I was a kid, in a bygone epoch before the principles of ordinary existence were flipped upside down, someone who wanted to attract favorable public attention would do so by making some sort of heroic, benevolent, or self-sacrificing gesture. He’d join the Army and go to war, if he were lucky enough for there to be a war. Perhaps he’d start visiting children in hospitals, or sponsor a program for wounded veterans. Maybe he’d save a family from a burning building, or donate a kidney. Something like that.

Now when I say that “the principles of ordinary existence were flipped upside down”, I don’t mean that human nature itself has changed. That doesn’t happen. So Mr. Smollett would still be seeking to attract favorable attention by performing a heroic, self-sacrificing, and benevolent gesture. And that is, of course, just what he tried to fake. The only thing that’s different, in this new epoch, is what that means.

In short, Mr. Smollett went out there and took one for the team. It’s never any fun to be attacked and frightened and humiliated and doused with bleach, but in a time when a Narrative of persistent and ubiquitous racism and anti-homosexual bigotry is essential for the Progressive cause, and when it is more important than ever to keep up the attack on a traditional American nation that all good people nowadays are taught from childhood they should viscerally despise, such manifestations of evil are in tremendous demand — and because the Narrative is, by now, baloney from top to bottom, the demand far exceeds the supply. For Justin Smollett to endure this humiliating assault, then, was a priceless gift — and in return he expected to become a hero, a martyr, a sacred object.

And so he did! He was worshipped by our grateful media. His name reverberated in the halls of Congress, and actually catalyzed new “anti-lynching” legislation. He was fÁªted on television and radio. I’ll bet he was well on the way to getting that raise.

What does all this mean? It means that we are now in a time of holy war, in which the greatest honor is given to martyrs. Now, that’s nothing new — most wars become, in some sense, religious, or at least moral, crusades. The First World War, for example, did so quite explicitly, as I noted in this post a couple of years ago. And the great Jihad of Islam against the West expresses itself very clearly as a pitiless holy war with martyrdom as its highest glory. The reason that the Vietnam war was such a disaster was precisely that it failed to arouse that sort of religious fervor.

Holy wars are not about winning a patch of land or access to seaports. They are about taking up the flaming sword of God, and eradicating evil from the earth. The Other becomes the enemy of all that is good and holy, and the soldier of God is called upon to destroy him.

To die in such a cause is a ticket straight to heaven — and so, in these cheapened times, is just being doused with bleach and called a bunch of names. If you’re black and gay, that is.

But what it all tells us is that the holy war is on, and it’s here. It’s within our own borders. And we, friends, are the Other.

Another Day, Another Hoax

As the Jussie Smollett “hate-crime” flim-flam falls apart, the Daily Caller has put together a list of some of the more sensational faux-racist hoaxes of the Trump era. You can read it here.

It was obvious from the beginning that this Smollett business was a sham. First of all, it took place in the middle of one of the bitterest nights of the winter; the temperature in Chicago that night dipped to -9° Fahrenheit (and Chicago is, let’s not forget, the “Windy City”). Nobody who would have been walking around in such conditions, no matter how truculently partisan, would have done so in a flimsy MAGA hat.

Second, it seems extremely unlikely that Mr. Smollett himself would have been out walking around at such an hour in such conditions.

Third, even if Mr. Smollett had decided to go out, he would likely have been so bundled up that it would have been awfully hard to recognize him on a dark street, even if you happen to know what he looks like.

Fourth, as the Chicago police themselves pointed out, it is distinctly unlikely that Trump-supporting “rednecks” would be watching Empire (the show Mr. Smollett was in), or would know who Mr. Smollett even is.

Fifth, Mr. Smollett’s account of the attack involved his being doused with bleach. Who on earth would walk around Chicago late at night, in nine-degree weather, carrying a bottle of bleach, just to be able to make a point in the event they were to run into a black homosexual celebrity?

Sixth, there was a noose. (Rule of thumb: if an alleged hate attack involves a noose, it’s a hoax.)

Seventh — and this may be shocking to Blue-team members who only know about America’s “deplorables” from news coverage, TV and movie depictions, and Op-Ed pieces that generally depict them as snarling, knuckle-dragging anthropoids with horns and a tail — Trump supporters are generally just decent, well-behaved conservative people who abhor civic unpleasantness, and would never dream of doing such a thing as Mr. Smollett described.

Eighth, here’s another rule of thumb that seems reliable after many years of this nonsense: if a story like this comes up — that is to say, a story that perfectly checks off all the stereotypical qualities that make up the prevailing caricature of the racist, heterosexual, Trumpist Christian white male devil — it’s a hoax.

The fact is, such things just don’t happen much. We don’t do that sort of thing, and for people on the Left to think we actually do is simply projection.

That we aren’t in fact like this at all is, quite obviously, a disappointment. The void must be filled, though, and so these people simply make things up. Some online observer — I wish I could remember who — summed it up perfectly. The existence of all these hoaxes, he said, demonstrates that the demand for racism and bigotry exceeds the supply.

Earth In Motion

Here’s something really beautiful: a gorgeous global model of currents and temperatures in the air and sea. Click the ‘Earth’ button to change the view.

Still With Us

I’d been getting worried again about John Batchelor — he’s been treated for cancer recently, took time off for surgery a while back, and has been away from the microphone again for the past couple of weeks. (The archival material he runs to fill in is always well worth listening to, but his latest absence was fresh cause for concern.)

I’ve just learned that Mr. Batchelor had appeared on WABC’s Bernie and Sid morning show today to discuss his ordeal, and to say that he is now fully recovered and will be back to regular programming on Monday the 18th. (Apparently he’d had to complete another round of radiation treatment.)

You can download a podcast of the show here, if you like; JB’s segment begins at 48:00.

I’m very glad Mr. Batchelor is well again. His nightly show is, quite simply, the best thing on radio.

Nature To All

Having pushed their doddering elders down the stairs, and finding among the corpses’ effects the keys to the family car, our newly crowned juvenocracy is wasting no time in taking it for a joyride. The leader pro tempore of this posse of hopped-up teens is a yakkity Chavista bird-brain by the name of Ocasio-Cortez — and now, having consulted her months of adult experience and some stuff she read on Twitter, she has divined the solution to the problems of government, justice, and social organization that have vexed inferior intellects since Aristotle, and has brought forth her manifesto. A summary of it is here, and you can read the actual proposal here. I won’t comment on the details — others have beaten me to it — but if this is how we are to be governed going forward, it’s time to buy a few hundred-pound sacks of rice and beans, spend some afternoons at the range, and start digging the bunker.

As it happens, I ran into Mme. DeFarge this morning, who had just read the thing herself. She seemed a bit taken aback by it all. All she could say was “Á‡a alors! Zat girl really has ze ‘cheep on her shoulder’, non?”

Okay, What’s the Plan?

In my previous post I expressed qualified approval for Tuesday’s State of the Union address. Some commenters took me to task for this, because hey, we’re still doomed.

They’re right, we probably are. And make no mistake, there’s plenty for a conservative, let alone a reactionary, not to like about Donald Trump, and about the speech he gave. In particular, Mr. Trump had in the past expressed serious concerns about the flood of cheap foreign labor that comes in under the H-1B visa program, and in the speech he seemed not just willing, but eager, to flood the country with more imported labor. (And he checked off some other items on the Democrat wish-list as well, such as Federally sponsored family leave, massive infrastructure projects, and so forth.)

There is a very good chance that we have already passed the demographic tipping point in America. Please read two of my older posts: Simple Common Sense About Diversity And Multiculturalism, and The Narrowing Effect Of Diversity to understand why I think the effects of too-rapid and too-diverse immigration are both irreversible and fatal. (You might also read Culture And Metaculture, while you’re at it.)

In 2015 I wrote:

All of the erosive forces at work here — demographic displacement by poorly assimilated immigrants, low birthrates among cognitive elites, multiculturalism, galloping secularism, centralization of Federal power at the expense of local government, anti-traditionalism, hedonistic apathy, instutionalized disparagement of America’s history, mission, cultural heritage, and mythos, and behind it all the universal acid of radical doubt that is the “poison pill” of the Enlightenment itself — all of these things attack and corrode the horizontal ligatures of American civil society, leaving behind only an atomized population with no binding affinities save their vertical dependence upon a Federal leviathan that is, increasingly, the source of all guidance and blessings.

What this means is that as these forces do their work, they weaken at every point our society’s structural integrity — even as the disintegrative influences, particularly the destructive action of demographic replacement, intensify. It follows naturally, then, that the pace of decay accelerates.

In passing, we should note also that this horizontal “unbinding” was, a century ago, the precursor of Fascism. The ancient symbol of the Fasces, from which the movement took its name, is a bundle of wooden rods, individually weak, but lashed together with an external binding. It is the perfect symbol for a society that has lost its organic, endogenous coherence, and so must be united by an artificial and external power.

So, yeah, I get it. Critics of multiculturalism used to say that a nation had to be something more than “a border with an economy”, and they were right. Now one of our two dominant political parties doesn’t even want a border, and an awful lot of people roosting within what used to be our borders — quite likely a popular-vote majority — seem to agree. The ones who don’t agree are increasingly silenced, reviled, denounced, shunned, ostracized, and insulted. They are also, in large part, the people who build and maintain the nation’s physical infrastructure, defend its security, and grow and distribute its food — and they are heavily armed.

The state of the Union is, in fact, very worrisome indeed, and anyone who thinks I don’t know this hasn’t been reading this blog for very long. That I took a moment’s pleasure in watching Donald Trump stick his thumb in a few well-deserving eyes on Tuesday, or stir a few nostalgic chords in the heart of an aging American who remembers when there was still hope for this nation, doesn’t change any of that.

OK then: yes, things look bad, and Donald Trump isn’t going to save us.

Any suggestions? I’m all ears.

Bueller?

Bueller?

SOTU

I watched the speech last night. It was awfully good. Even for a cynic like me — who believes that this Republic, due to the inherent liabilities of democracy itself, is in the late stages of necrosis, and perhaps an early stage of civil war — Mr. Trump’s message of unity and greatness was rousing. His oratory, as usual, was blunt and unpolished, but his message was direct. It was, essentially, this:

We had a great thing going here once, people, and there may still be hope for it. Since taking office I have tried to show you what promise remains in the great nation that my predecessors, and so many still in power, have tried so hard to destroy, and the results so far have been impressive. But tonight I have also shown you what we are up against: a culture of death and victimhood that reviles our history, rejects our founding principles of national sovereignty, natural rights, and individual liberty, and seeks to replace it with a dismal, suffocating and divisive regime that breaks us into sullen and dependent enclaves, kept alive, and in our proper places, only at the pleasure of a self-interested ruling class with unlimited power. It is up to you to choose, in this moment, which America you prefer: the one that by labor, faith, and sacrifice built this great and prosperous nation that too many of us now take for granted, or a dark future of resentment, coercion, mediocrity and decline. Choose greatness! I believe it is still possible, and I hope you are with me.

Obviously you can’t please everyone, and there will be many of us who will take issue with some of what Mr. Trump put forward last night. (In particular, I think he is far too enthusiastic about increasing legal immigration, for reasons I won’t go into here.) Imagine, though, if it had been Hillary Clinton giving that speech…

Above all, Mr. Trump radiated confidence and optimism about America. Contrast that to these people, who rose to applaud only when Mr. Trump acknowledged their rise to power in the recent election:

 
Nice optics, you fools. America was watching.

All in all: a good night for our side.

How Many Murders?

There was a horrible story in the local news today: A young woman, pregnant, was stabbed to death in an apartment-building lobby.

We read:

The killer targeted the 35-year-old woman’s stomach, according to the building super, who said she watched surveillance-video footage that captured the murder.

“He’s got a knife! He’s going to kill the baby!’ shouted five-months-pregnant Jennifer Irigoyen around 1 a.m. as her attacker pulled her from her third-floor Ridgewood walk-up and down the stairs to the building’s entranceway, horrified witness Maurice Roman Zereoue told The Post.

Police are investigating the slaying as a domestic incident and seeking Irigoyen’s boyfriend for questioning, high-ranking NYPD sources said.

A neighbor who only gave her first name, Kristin, said she heard a man and Irigoyen arguing loudly and then the victim “yelling ”¦ about wanting to protect her baby.

Building super Lisa Raymos said surveillance video showed, “The first time, he stabbed her in the stomach.’’

The killer appears to have been her boyfriend. The victim knew who the killer was, but was unable to say his name:

The mortally wounded woman tried to name her killer but couldn’t choke out the words over the blood pooling in her throat, Zereoue said.

“I asked, ”˜Do you know who he was?’ And she kept nodding yes and waving her arm,’ he said. “She couldn’t speak.

“I kept telling her, ”˜Hang on, hang on, help is coming.’ ’

Irigoyen was rushed to Wyckoff Hospital, but neither she nor her baby could be saved.

Notice the language here: “…wanting to protect her baby.” “…neither she nor her baby could be saved.”

How many people are being referred to here? It certainly sounds like two: a mother and her unborn baby. Not “she nor her body”, or “she nor her clump of cells”. Her baby.

A few days ago, that baby would have been considered the victim of a homicide. The killer would have faced two counts of murder. (And a flaying, followed by a vat of boiling oil, if it were up to me.)

As of January 2019, however, in New York State that baby, that unborn human being, has been defined out of existence. If the baby had been the only one to die, its attacker would face no homicide charge at all.

That child was murdered twice: first by a pen, and then by a knife.

This Is Your Nation On Democracy

Abortion’s been in the public eye lately: with the Democratic Party red-shifting leftward, legislators are seizing the opportunity to push the limits — both legal and moral — of the un-personing of the unborn. New York State just celebrated, with standing ovations and a festive light-show, a ghoulish dismantling of its moral obligations to its residents in utero, while in Virginia a state politician named Kathy Tran found herself in a national spotlight for advancing similar legislation. The Virginia bill was defeated, unlike its counterpart in New York; both bills legalized abortion right up to the moment of delivery, and pointedly left open the question of what happens to an unwanted infant who somehow manages to get itself born alive after an attempted abortion.

Ms. Tran achieved “virality” in a video showing her acknowledging that her bill would, in principle, allow abortion even during labor. Virginia’s governor, Ralph Northam, got himself caught up in the maelstrom as well, when he said, during an interview, that what would happen to a baby who survived an abortion would be a matter of “discussion” as the infant waited nearby. (He’s also become, quite suddenly, the subject of a Two Minutes’ Hate for some old yearbook photos; one wonders just who dug those up and why, but I won’t say anything more about that for now.)

No, what I want to bring to your attention is something you might not have heard about: an example of everything that is execrable about our political system (and I use the term “our political system” very broadly indeed). It is the excuse given by one Dawn Adams (D-Richmond), the co-sponsor of Kathy Tran’s bill, just as soon as Ms. Tran, and the bill they had pushed forward together, became the objects of condemnatory national attention.

Did Ms. Adams say that her thoughts “had evolved” since she helped advance this bill? No. Did she do the honest thing, and come right out and say that her sponsorship of the bill was a political calculation that had backfired badly, and she’d be more careful next time? (Just kidding with that one.)

Nope. Here is the actual excuse she settled on: that she hadn’t read the bill attentively enough — the bill she herself co-sponsored — to understand what it said.

So: after finding herself in a public-relations pickle, this woman — this elected representative of the People, charged with the sacred trust and solemn duty of making the laws that her constituents shall be bound to under the power of an irresistible State; this duly sworn executor of the great social Contract that lifts us all, by our given (or assumed) consent, from the toils of savagery and barbarism — considered how she might exculpate herself, and settled on that?? We have come to a strange and sorry pass when a public official can expect to exonerate herself from controversy by confessing egregious malpractice.

It seems to me that we had, ages ago, severe public remedies and prescriptions for scoundrels, but no longer. We still have the scoundrels.

Mass Movement

News from North Korea:

North Koreans ordered to produce impossible amount of human manure every day to help save agriculture: report

How much is that “impossible amount” of poop that each North Korean is supposed to provide? A hundred kilograms — far more than the average North Korean’s total body weight. Per day.

At first I thought this must just be “fake news”, but then I realized — you could’t make this shit up.

The Inmates, Running The Asylum

With yet another hat-tip to Bill Keezer, here’s a therapeutic video.
 

 

You Can’t Have It Both Ways

Former Federal prosecutor Andrew McCarthy has a new item at NRO on the Roger Stone indictment. He makes an obvious but worth-repeating point about the “process crimes” Stone is charged with, which have to to an investigation into his efforts to find out what Wikileaks might have on Hillary Clinton during the 2016 campaign. Mr. McCarthy reminds us that the backbone of the Russian election-tampering narrative is that Russian hackers got hold of DNC emails, then gave them to Wikileaks, who leaked them to the press. But if that’s so, and Trump was in fact in cahoots with Putin throughout all of this, the Trump campaign could simply have gotten the information directly from the Russians, rather then sending people like Roger Stone to try to figure out what was on offer.

To put that in simple terms: if Roger Stone did the things he is said to have done, then the Trump-Russia “collusion” story is false.

You can read Mr. McCarthy’s article here.

“Health”

New York’s governor, Andrew Cuomo, has just signed into law a bill called the Reproductive Health Act. (You can read it here.)

The principal effects of the bill are a) to remove all mention of abortion from the New York State penal code; b) to permit licensed heath-care practitioners to conduct abortions; and c) to codify the discretion of such providers to justify abortions up to the moment of natural birth.

Here are some salient points:

Section 125.00, which defines homicide, used to say:

Homicide means conduct which causes the death of a person or an unborn child with which a female has been pregnant for more than twenty-four weeks under circumstances constituting murder, manslaughter in the first degree, manslaughter in the second degree, OR criminally negligent homicide, abortion in the first degree or self-abortion in the first degree.

Now it will read:

Homicide means conduct which causes the death of a person under circumstances constituting murder, manslaughter in the first degree, manslaughter in the second degree, OR criminally negligent homicide.

What’s a “person”? The definition is in section 125.05 of the code:

“Person,” when referring to the victim of a homicide, means a human being who has been born and is alive.

The change in the definition of homicide, then, means that someone who attacks a pregnant woman and causes her to miscarry can no longer be charged with murder for the death of her unborn child. The unborn are thus excluded, by act of law, from the circle of morally protected beings — giving them lower legal status, as far as I can make out, than the dwarf wedge-mussel or the pine-pinion moth.

The Act removes the following two subsections of the homicide code:

2. “Abortional act” means an act committed upon or with respect to a female, whether by another person or by the female herself, whether sheis pregnant or not, whether directly upon her body or by the administering, taking or prescription of drugs or in any other manner, with intent to cause a miscarriage of such female.

3. “Justifiable abortional act.” An abortional act is justifiable when committed upon a female with her consent by a duly licensed physician acting (a) under a reasonable belief that such is necessary to preserve her life, or, (b) within twenty-four weeks from the commencement of her pregnancy. A pregnant female`s commission of an abortional act upon herself is justifiable when she acts upon the advice of a duly licensed physician (1) that such act is necessary to preserve her life, or, (2) within twenty-four weeks from the commencement of her pregnancy. The submission by a female to an abortional act is justifiable when she believes that it is being committed by a duly licensed physician, acting under a reasonable belief that such act is necessary to preserve her life, or, within twenty-four weeks from the commencement of her pregnancy.

Gone, then, is the 24-week limit for abortions that are not deemed necessary to save the mother’s life. This is replaced with a new section 25-A in the Public Health Law. which includes the following (my emphasis):

§ 2599-BB. ABORTION. 1. A HEALTH CARE PRACTITIONER LICENSED, CERTIFIED, OR AUTHORIZED UNDER TITLE EIGHT OF THE EDUCATION LAW, ACTING WITHIN HIS OR HER LAWFUL SCOPE OF PRACTICE, MAY PERFORM AN ABORTION WHEN, ACCORDING TO THE PRACTITIONER’S REASONABLE AND GOOD FAITH PROFESSIONAL JUDGMENT BASED ON THE FACTS OF THE PATIENT’S CASE: THE PATIENT IS WITHIN TWENTY-FOUR WEEKS FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF PREGNANCY, OR THERE IS AN ABSENCE OF FETAL VIABILITY, OR THE ABORTION IS NECESSARY TO PROTECT THE PATIENT’S LIFE OR HEALTH.

This new “or health” wording is carefully chosen; it reflects the language of the United States Supreme Court in Doe v. Bolton, in which the Court explicitly unpacked the legal meaning of the word “health”:

[M]edical judgment may be exercised in the light of all factors — physical, emotional, psychological, familial, and the woman’s age — relevant to the wellbeing of the patient. All these factors may relate to health. This allows the attending physician the room he needs to make his best medical judgment. And it is room that operates for the benefit, not the disadvantage, of the pregnant woman.

What all this means is that abortions are now legal right up to the moment of delivery, as long as a practitioner, who must no longer even be a physician, decides that snuffing out the unborn child is OK “in light of all factors — physical, emotional, psychological, familial, and the woman’s age”.

The humanity of the unborn, all moral obligation toward them, and any legal protections they once had have now been methodically and explicitly defined out of existence.

(Some have been saying that the new law even removes protections for those unwanted babies who somehow manage to survive the abortion procedure, and emerge into the world alive. I have not been able to find this in the bill, so far — but I’m sure it’s on the Governor’s wish-list.)

Today Governor Cuomo ordered that the spire of the Freedom Tower be lit up in pink — in celebration.

*        *        *

 
UPDATE: I’ve found the section of the bill that removes protections for babies who survive the attempt to abort them. It is only one line in the bill:

3. Section 4164 of the public health law is REPEALED.

What did the repealed part of the public-health law say? I had to poke around a bit to find it, as that section of the law had already been removed from the first couple of sites I checked. But it’s still online at FindLaw.com, and here’s what it used to say. Read it slowly and carefully, and reflect on the fact that these provisions were explicitly and intentionally deleted, and replaced with nothing at all:

1.”ƒWhen an abortion is to be performed after the twelfth week of pregnancy it shall be performed only in a hospital and only on an in-patient basis. ”‚When an abortion is to be performed after the twentieth week of pregnancy, a physician other than the physician performing the abortion shall be in attendance to take control of and to provide immediate medical care for any live birth that is the result of the abortion. ”‚The commissioner of health is authorized to promulgate rules and regulations to insure the health and safety of the mother and the viable child, in such instances.

2.”ƒSuch child shall be accorded immediate legal protection under the laws of the state of New York, including but not limited to applicable provisions of the social services law, article five of the civil rights law and the penal law.

3.”ƒThe medical records of all life-sustaining efforts put forth for such a live aborted birth, their failure or success, shall be kept by attending physician. ”‚All other vital statistics requirements in the public health law shall be complied with in regard to such aborted child.

4.”ƒIn the event of the subsequent death of the aborted child, the disposal of the dead body shall be in accordance with the requirements of this chapter.

*        *        *

 
ADDITIONAL UPDATE: I’ve also just noticed that the bill repeals section (d) of Article 675 of the county law, which until now authorized a coroner to investigate deaths apparently caused by criminal abortion. I suppose this is because the very concept of a criminal abortion no longer exists in New York.

*        *        *

 
In the wake of the signing of this bill into law, the following image has been making the rounds. It seems about right.

 

 

A Life Of Slime

I don’t often link to The Atlantic, but this is worth your time: everything you need to know about the hagfish.

Russell Baker, 1925-2019

I’ve just learned that Russell Baker, the longtime reporter and columnist for the New York Times, has died at the age of 93.

I was a fan. I read his Observer column without fail, and have several of his books. He was a wonderful writer — graceful, witty, and piercingly but unostentatiously intelligent — and he was part of a New York Times, and an era of American civilization, that have since rotted away.

Read his obituary — in the Times, of course — here.

What Should The Right Want?

Tucker Carlson rang in the New Year with a controversial monologue on the failure of American government to address a fundamental problem of modernity: the breakdown of families, and the growing hopelessness of those who are neither intractably poor nor insouciantly rich. Unlike nearly every other “conservative” today, however, he spread the blame around, heaping as much of it on free-market fundamentalists as on the neo-Marxist uplifters of the hegemonic Left.

Where the modern Right gets it wrong, says Carlson, is in its faith in what might be expressed as a syllogism: a) economic growth is the greatest good; b) free-market capitalism is the best path to economic growth; and therefore, c) correct public policy should always prioritize non-interference with market capitalism.

Carlson makes it very clear that he disagrees: “Anyone who thinks that the health of a nation can be summed up in GDP is an idiot… Market capitalism is not a religion. Market capitalism is a tool, like a staple-gun or a toaster. You’d have to be a fool to worship it.”

Neoreactionaries have for some time questioned the free-market syllogism that Carlson critiques here, and it’s refreshing to see such heresy put forward on the public airwaves. For his sins, Carlson has been getting it from both sides: from the Left for his defense of traditional families and support for what Amy Wax has called “bourgeois values”, and from Conservatism, Inc. for free-market apostasy. (You have to hand it to the guy: he isn’t afraid to stick his neck out.)

Now the blogger “Spandrell”, whose insightful commentary has for years been influential out here on the dissident Right, has published a substantial post expanding on Carlson’s theme.

Spandrell begins by examining available strategies to push back against the neo-Marxist coalition-building he has called Bioleninism. If you don’t know what Bioleninism means, you should read about it here, but Spandrell sums it up in his current post as follows:

As we all know, the political left, born out of the chaos of the French Revolution, came of age when Karl Marx produced a working formula: class struggle. You go find the low status people in your country, tell them the world is divided in two sorts of people: them, and the guys on top of them. The guys on top are oppressors, the guys on the bottom are oppressed: if you, the oppressed follow me, we’ll turn the table, “liberate you’ i.e. grab their stuff and their status and give it to you.

Then after WW2 the Western left realized that the oppressor/oppressed template worked much better with groups disadvantaged biologically than with mere social class. Hence we got Bioleninism. The industrial worker who was so much into socialism could after all become a manager, or start his own company and not be so interested in socialism anymore. Happened all the time. That’s not a good deal if you’re a leftist politician. You want your underlings to stick around and be loyal, and the underclass doesn’t feel so oppressed if there’s not an underclass anymore. Of course, you can change class (in modern Western societies), but you can’t change biology. The average racial minority, the sexual deviant, the mentally ill, the fat cat lady, those will always be low status, always feel oppressed. That’s firm, absolute loyalty right there.

So: how can Bioleninism be resisted? By forming a counter-coalition out of whoever Bioleninism can’t seduce:

How do you deal with Bioleninism? The only workable strategy was formulated by Steve Sailer decades ago: if the Left is the Coalition of the Fringes, the Right must be the Party of the Normal. In the US, where demographics mean that the minority-supported Democratic party will by 2025 or so have a rock-solid electoral majority, that meant the Republican Party becoming the party of White people. It’s taken a while, but as the critical date when Texas flips blue approaches, the Republicans have slowly, if somewhat unawares, moved in that direction. Hence, Donald Trump.

Of course the Right has to do a lot of work before that change of direction is complete. The Left is more flexible and responsible to change, because its basic formula is simple. They’re the party of the oppressed. If things change they just need to change the identity of the oppressed, and they’re set. Easy. The Right though, can hardly be the party of the oppressors. At its core, sociologically, the Right is the party of the people who wanna be left alone. That’s not a very exciting way of running a political movement, though, so they must always come up with random reasons to justify their attachment to the status quo. The usual are traditional religion, which is useful as it doesn’t need to be justified, and has centuries of history fighting the Left, long a force for atheism. There’s also nationalism, to the extent it is allowed to exist post-WW2, which tends to be the refuge of secular, masculine people who dislike the Left’s push for egalitarianism.

And of course, capitalism. When the Left was primarily about economic socialism, about state-control of the economy, the Right had a very strong Schelling Point in free-market ideology. Opposing socialism made for good politics for non-leftist people, it has a ready source of funding from business owners. And it just makes a lot of sense. Socialism is a very stupid economic policy, which produces poverty. And nobody likes poverty, least of all the poor. So the political Right in much of the Western world, and even out of it, became mostly a coalition of religious people, nationalists, and business owners. God, Country and Capital.

This tripod — which corresponds well to another influential concept of Spandrell’s, the neoreactionary “trichotomy” — soon came, unsurprisingly, to be dominated by the Capital faction. And capital wants to be free. This, argues Spandrell, is what gave rise to the idiomatically American ideology known as Libertarianism.

Libertarianism is what you do when you realize that the government is socialist by definition. Socialism being the control of the economy by the government, well, yes, odds are the government is going to want to control the economy. So if you don’t trust the government to respect your interests, then you go libertarian. You do that because you are a business person and have an actual reason to want the government to get away from your business. Or you do that if you are opposed to the government for other reasons, say cultural reasons, and just want to signal your distrust of the government. Libertarianism came from both sides of that. Not by coincidence, much of libertarianism came of the American South after the Civil Rights movement. US Southerners realized the US Federal Government wanted to destroy their culture; and many of them became free market fundamentalists as a way to oppose that. That again connects with the 3-way coalition of religious, nationalists and capitalists that has formed the Political Right for decades.

Libertarianism has deep roots in America’s founding philosophy. At its heart is the natural-rights theorem that the only legitimate government is that which rules by the consent of the governed; the general principle by which this leads to libertarianism is the idea that since we all have non-overlapping things we are willing to consent to, we maximize consent by minimizing the range of aspects of our lives over which government may exert power. Given that government relentlessly seeks to increase that range, the libertarian finds himself consenting to less and less over time. In essence then, libertarianism becomes increasingly a yearning for what NRx calls “Exit”. But its flaw is that it seeks Exit in situ, without actually going anywhere. This might have been possible in a simpler time, but in the modern technological “synopticon” (to borrow a term from Victor Davis Hanson), mere libertarianism — personal libertarianism — is doomed.

Except, that is, where libertarianism coincides with power. There being two major axes of power in America — the Bioleninist ruling coalition, and Capital — liberty can be the reward of loyalty. For the Bioleninist faithful, that reward is generally paid out in liberties having to do with present enjoyment and consumption: in particular, freedom from traditional cultural and sexual restraints, and freedom from the need to make one’s own way in the world. For Capital’s troops, the reward is freedom from economic and cultural supervision. And now we see something new, but unsurprising: “woke corporations” trying to play both sides. This needs to be called out — and that’s what Tucker Carlson has done:

Well, Tucker’s speech basically said this alliance was over. The alliance of God, Country and Capital has achieved some electoral victories over the decades, but it has failed miserably at the only important task: the Culture War, influencing the behavior of the people so that they form stable and moral families. The Left has destroyed traditional culture bit by bit, and neither Nixon, nor Reagan, nor Bush, nor anyone, has been able to do stop it even by an inch. And why is that? Has God failed us? Do the people not love their Country? No, it’s the other guys. Capital has betrayed us. The libertarians have been playing a double game, and they are now pretty much the enemy. They haven’t just surrendered, or been neutralized. Capital today is perhaps the biggest force of the Left. They’re the biggest enemy.

Spandrell asks, with an inner quote from Carlson:

If Capital is now Woke, if the Left has successfully captured the capitalists, why should the Right be nice to them? Because muh-free markets? That was a means, not an end. The goal of the Right is, again”¦

The goal [of government] is to have an economy which makes it possible for normal, average young people to marry and have kids.

Or in other words, to ensure a future for our children. There’s another version out there in 14 words.

Spandrell concludes:

What the Right needs to do now is to reflect on how the Left was able to capture Capital and turn it into its most lucrative constituency. Any successful country needs a business community, and the capture of the West’s by the Bioleninist left has been so unexpected that still many people refuse to believe it. But happened it has, whether by political coercion, infiltration, or just mere cultural prestige. We better think carefully on what happened, how to reverse it, and use the same tools for our own cause.

How did it happen? Infiltration, certainly — and there’s always Conquest’s Second Law, which says that “any organization not explicitly right-wing becomes left-wing over time.” But mainly it is just that capital is a weathervane, which turns as the cultural winds blow. That it is a force of the Left today, when it wasn’t in 1955, just tells you that the Left has changed: having abandoned economic Marxism for Bioleninism, it is no longer a natural enemy of Capital. But far more importantly: it tells us that here in 2019, the Left has won.

The questions Tucker Carlson has raised are what the Right needs to be thinking about right now, above all else. Read Spandrell’s essay in its entirety, here.

Stop The World, I Want To Get Off

Here’s the perfect gift for Mom: a vibrator on a necklace. An ad for the product says “Created by a woman to spark both conversations and feelings of empowerment”, while the online blurb refers to the object’s “forward-looking approach”.

How, exactly, are these conversations supposed to go?

HE: “Hi, nice to meet you. I see you like to masturbate!”

SHE: “Yes, I love to masturbate — so much that I never seem to be able to wait until I get home. In fact, I get so eager to masturbate that I can’t even take the time to open my purse!”

HE: “Wow, that’s really interesting. Good to know!”

SHE: “Yes — and what’s more, I want everyone I meet to know that I really, really like to masturbate. It’s something I’m really proud of.”

HE: “I bet it feels… what’s the word… empowering!”

SHE: “Yes! As a woman who loves to masturbate, now I have the power to masturbate anytime I want. And with the Crave vibrator right on my necklace, I know that everybody I meet is going to have to think about that! That makes me feel special, and important.”

HE: “It’s forward-looking, too. And hey, you know what? I’m looking forward to a time when we can all just, you know, masturbate!”

SHE: “Well, of course you are! Isn’t everyone?”

TOGETHER: “YOU BET!! [laughter]”

This

Magnificent. (Thanks to the indefatigable JK for the link.)

The Demi-Savants

Please forgive me for the scanty output here of late — I am deeply distracted with work and family matters, so much so that I have had very little to say.

But I will direct you to two sharp posts at The Orthosphere, by J.M. Smith and Thomas Bertonneau, on the nature of the frustrated malcontent — who is, it seems, the same in every age.

Mr. Bertonneau’s essay, which is here, quotes Gustave Le Bon on the characteristics of the socialist uplifter:

Social failures, misunderstood geniuses, lawyers without clients, writers without readers, doctors without patients, professors ill-paid, graduates without employment, clerks whose employers disdain them for their insufficiency, puffed-up university instructors ”” these are the natural adepts of Socialism. In reality they care very little for doctrines. Their dream is to create by violent means a society in which they will be the masters. Their cry of equality does not prevent them from having an intense scorn of the rabble who have not, as they have, learned out of books. They believe themselves greatly the superiors of the working man, and are really greatly his inferiors in their lack of practical sense and their exaggerated egotism.

The common denominator here is lack of traction, of humbling and instructive contact and friction with the actually existing world.

Mr. Smith’s post gives us the ambitious mediocrity, the “restive subaltern”, who in normal times is held in his place by the density of the social network around and above him, but who can worm his way up through the rotting net in times of “social decomposition” (the stench of which fills our nostrils today). Such men are cauldrons of resentment, pressurized by long humiliation, and if they get loose upon the world can explode with destructive force.

Build The Damn Wall

Mr. Trump, don’t give in.

Zeitgeist

Netflix has a new hit movie: Birdbox. The idea is a simple one: there are things in the world that, if clearly seen, are so radically discomfiting that those who see them are driven to suicide. So everyone puts on a blindfold.

It’s a smashing success. I wonder why?

Swamp 1, American People 0

I’m back in the States now, and catching up on backlogs of both news and work. (The latter isn’t going to leave me much opportunity for brooding and writing for a while, I’m afraid.)

The new Democrat House is in charge. Among the most depressing consequences of that gloomy fact is that the ongoing investigations by the House Judiciary, Oversight, and Intelligence Committees into abuses of state power under the Obama administration — sickening corruption and malfeasance at the highest levels of government, for which, in a just world, the consequences would involve lamp-posts and tumbrels — will now be shut down. The bad guys are simply going to get away with all of it, and there’s nothing you or I can do about it.

The American Spectator has the dismal story, here.

Homeward Bound

This weekend, after a month in Vienna, the lovely Nina and I are heading home. We’ll be back in the States by Sunday evening. It’s been a fine time — Vienna is always a nice place to be, and we welcomed a new grandchild into our expanding extended family — but it’s time to get back to real life; we’ve neglected our affairs long enough. (Among other things, I have an album I’m supposed to be mixing, and I need to get it done.)

I haven’t thought much about the state of affairs back home, but I’ve paid enough attention to know that the new Congress is now seated, and the Democratic House is now in session. (As Will Rogers once said, the feeling is like when the baby gets hold of a hammer.) Nancy Pelosi once again wields the gavel, and the left wing of her caucus — a raucous mob of Jacobin malcontents and ignoramuses, mostly still in their teens — are itching to get to work building a new and improved United States of America. (They’ll be building it on the same patch of land as the old one, just as soon they’ve finished demolishing the original structure, ripping up the foundations, and evicting the former tenants.)

The first order of business, though, is to reverse the result of the last presidential election. As one newly elected legislatrix explained, setting the tone for the New Year: “We’re going to go in and impeach the motherfucker!”

And so they will, most likely; all they need is a one-vote majority in the House to impeach. The actual criteria given in the Constitution — that old thing! — don’t matter in the slightest; they just mean whatever the House says they mean. The Senate will need a two-thirds majority to convict, which won’t happen, but it will be good fun all around. Gonna be a great year!

Can’t wait to get home.

Happy New Year!

And away we go, friends. I have no idea what 2019 will bring, but I doubt it will be boring. Keep your powder dry!

I wish you all good health and good fortune, and I thank you all again for reading and commenting.

Die Rote Pille?

I met a charming and intelligent young Austrian man in a social setting this afternoon. I’d say he’s in his early thirties. He runs a small business, and lives in a very nice apartment here in Vienna with his wife and two small children. His wife’s American parents are here visiting, and we were invited over to meet them. It was a delightful gathering of three generations.

At one point the conversation turned to the fantastic quality of life in Vienna. The city consistently tops polls for the world’s best city to live in, and when you spend some time here it’s easy to see why. The social services are lavish, and expensive for the taxpayers, but everything just works.

This young father (I will call him Albert) mentioned that he wasn’t sure how much longer it would all hang together this well. He pointed out, for example, that he had found it necessary to buy private health insurance for his young family, because more and more of the good doctors in Vienna nowadays were only “in-network” with these private insurers.

I mentioned that I thought that the sort of social arrangement so common in northern and western Europe, with high taxes and abundant public amenities, could make for a very nice way of life, but that it required certain conditions to be met.

First, I said, there had to be general agreement among the people that they were willing to pay a lot in taxes — Albert said he pays about 65% of his income to the government — in return for generous social services. Albert agreed, of course.

Also, I said, there had to be a large enough fraction of the people paying into the system to carry the load: that you couldn’t just have a few people pulling the wagon, with most of the people in the wagon. Albert nodded in agreement.

Next — getting closer to the heart of the matter — I suggested that there had to be a real sense of community in order for people to be willing to pay someone else’s expenses today, with the reasonable expectation that others might pay their own expenses tomorrow. People just don’t put such trust in others with whom they feel they have nothing in common. In other words: for European-style democratic socialism to work requires strong social cohesion.

Albert agreed to this as well. (As I said above, he’s an intelligent man!) But then he added that this necessary social cohesion was now threatened by the rise of “right-wing” parties, skeptical of mass immigration, that were creating divisions, and so working against unity and comity.

I felt the need to tread carefully here, as I was a guest at a cheery holiday gathering in a foreign country, and I was also, I am quite sure, the only heretic in the room. The obvious response to Albert’s remarkable interpretation — which has things exactly backward — would have been to suggest that surging political parties do not so often create public sentiment as give an an outlet to what is already there; that in order for them to rise, they require something to lift them. I had just begun to say that such parties seem to be ascending, quite spontaneously, everywhere in Europe, even though their message was the same as it’s always been, and what ought we to make of that? — when the little children burst into the room laughing and shouting, and the moment had passed. To have brought it up again would have been rude.

This exchange, though, left me pondering a question of existential importance. Is a smart and civilized person such as Albert — who has all of the premises of the reactionary syllogism neatly in place, but just skids off the rails when it comes to arriving at the conclusion — walking on the road to Damascus, only a little way down the path from the moment of enlightenment? Will something — some item in the news, or some revelatory personal experience — suddenly knock the scales from his eyes, allowing him to see that those awful “right-wingers” are simply trying to preserve, for his children and theirs, all of the conditions that he already understands are necessary for the existence of the happy society he loves? Or is the dominance of our modern Universalist religion strong enough to resist, and to snuff out, such heresies?

We shall see. On the answer depends the survival of Europe.

RIP, TWIR

I am sorry to report that This Week In Reaction, the weekly digest of writings from around the Dissident Right blogosphere that has been published at Social Matter for the last few years, has gone on what will likely be a permanent hiatus. My friend Nick Steves, the editor of TWIR, simply can’t keep up with the workload any longer: he’s a busy man with a large family, and he has other projects to look after.

Thank you, Nick, for providing this excellent resource for so long. I recommend the TWIR archives to all of you. You can find them at the Social Matter website.

Offline

We’re still in Vienna (for another ten days or so), spending time with our daughter and her young family, and enjoying a year-end break from our usual cares and concerns. I’ve scarcely paid any attention to the news, and I’ll confess that, as happens sometimes, I’ve had very little inclination to take up the pen. What quiet time I’ve had to myself I’ve spent catching up on reading.

If the Muse pays me a visit before we head back to the States, I might have something to post. You never know! But I’d prefer not to be that person who has nothing to say, and says it anyway.

Back soon. Enjoy the rest of the holidays!

Merry Christmas

…to each and every one of you. May we all put the world and its cares aside for a day to enjoy the sweet blessings of home and hearth and family, and love.

Media Spin On Michael Flynn

I’ve been out of the country, and not paying much attention to the news, but I did hear about Michael Flynn’s sentencing hearing last week. And what did I hear? I heard what the mainstream media wanted me to hear: that the judge at the hearing, Emmet Sullivan, had rebuked General Flynn — whom I hold in high regard as an American patriot, and a man of honor — for “treason”.

Just this morning, however, I listened to an interview, by John Batchelor, that told a very different story. Mr. Batchelor was speaking with Michael Ledeen, who was in the courtroom that day. Mr. Ledeen told him that what really happened was this:

General Flynn had come before the court to be sentenced under the terms of his deal with Robert Mueller: he had entered a guilty plea to one count of lying to the FBI. The circumstances of that charge were, to put it as charitably as I can, unusual; General Flynn had been approached by the now-disgraced Peter Strzok and another agent for what had been represented as a clarifying interagency conversation about some matters regarding Turkey, but the FBI was clearly treating it as a perjury trap, with the intention of catching General Flynn in some contradiction regarding a conversation he had had with the Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak. (The FBI had obtained a wiretap transcript of this conversation.) The trap was successful.

Having set the hook in General Flynn, the Mueller team now set about pressuring and destroying him. His life was made a living hell — and more to the point, his family was made to suffer just as much as he was. For their sake, he decided to take a bullet: he accepted a deal from the Mueller inquisitors to plead guilty on one felony count of lying to the FBI. The judge before whom Flynn entered his plea was Rudolph Contreras, who was also a member of the FISA court that approved the surveillance warrant against Carter Page. Judge Contreras is, as it turns out, a pal of Peter Strzok, and has since recused himself from the Flynn case.

With Judge Contreras out of the picture, the sentencing hearing, after some delay, came before Judge Sullivan. From what Mr. Ledeen tells us, Judge Sullivan is no fan of prosecutorial overreach, and appears to have thought that General Flynn had been railroaded into making his deal.

What happened in the courtroom, then, according to Mr. Ledeen, was that Judge Sullivan offered to let General Flynn renounce his deal, as he was not the judge before whom Flynn had made his plea, and did everything he could to get Flynn to do so. General Flynn had had enough, though, it seems, and just wanted to be sentenced and be done with it. (I also suspect that having agreed to the deal, he might have felt it would be dishonorable to renege.)

This apparently irritated the judge, who it seems is known for a passionate approach to the law (and, know also, sometimes, for intemperate language), and when his attempt to persuade General Flynn to drop the bargain failed, tried another approach: he tried to scare the general into rejecting the plea-bargain by reminding him that it was within the judge’s power to sentence General Flynn as harshly as he liked. Judge Sullivan also added, just to add a little extra fire and brimstone, that some people might think that some of the charges swirling around the Flynn orbit — I assume this has to do with the intrigue that some of General Flynn’s associates have apparently been involved in regarding Turkey — might be regarded by some people as “treasonous”. And this, of course, became the headline that I heard all around: that the judge had accused Michael Flynn of treason.

Listen to Mr. Ledeen’s account here.

The S.O.B. On Democracy

The S.O.B. is, of course, the Sage of Baltimore, H.L. Mencken. I’ve just re-read his Notes on Democracy, after many years, and it is as astringent as I remembered it.

For example:

It remains impossible, as it was in the eighteenth century, to separate the democratic idea from the theory that there is a mystical merit, an esoteric and ineradicable rectitude, in the man at the bottom of the scale — that inferiority, by some strange magic, becomes a sort of superiority — nay, the superiority of superiorities. Everywhere on earth, save where the enlightenment of the modern age is confessedly in transient eclipse, the movement is toward the completer and more enamoured enfranchisement of the lower orders. Down there, one hears, lies a deep, illimitable reservoir of righteousness and wisdom, unpolluted by the corruption of privilege. What baffles statesmen is to be solved by the people, instantly and by a sort of seraphic intuition. Their yearnings are pure; they alone are capable of a perfect patriotism; in them is the only hope of peace and happiness on this lugubrious ball. The cure for the evils of democracy is more democracy!

Or:

There are minds which start out with a superior equipment, and proceed to high and arduous deeds; there are minds which never get any farther than a sort of insensate sweating, like that of a kidney.

In the same vein:

The whole life of the inferior man, including especially his so-called thinking, is purely a biochemical process, and exactly comparable to what goes on in a barrel of cider…

Here he offers an insight also made explicit by Sir Henry Sumner Maine:

I find myself quoting yet a third German: he is Professor Robert Michels, the economist. The politician, he says, is the courtier of democracy. A profound saying — perhaps more profound than the professor, himself a democrat, realizes. For it was of the essence of the courtier’s art and mystery that he flattered his employer in order to victimize him, yielded to him in order to rule him. The politician under democracy does precisely the same thing. His business is never what it pretends to be. Ostensibly he is an altruist devoted whole-heartedly to the service of his fellow-men, and so abjectly public-spirited that his private interest is nothing to him. Actually he is a sturdy rogue whose principal, and often sole, aim in life is to butter his parsnips.

On schemers and manipulators who prey on the mob in democracies:

Out of the muck of their swinishness the typical American law-maker emerges. He is a man who has lied and dissembled, and a man who has crawled. He knows the taste of boot-polish. He has suffered kicks in the tonneau of his pantaloons. He has taken orders from his superiors in knavery and he has wooed and flattered his inferiors in sense. His public life is an endless series of evasions and false pretences. He is willing to embrace any issue, however idiotic, that will get him votes, and he is willing to sacrifice any principle, however sound, that will lose them for him. I do not describe the democratic politician at his inordinate worst; I describe him as he is encountered in the full sunshine of normalcy.

In other words:

The democratic process, indeed, is furiously inimical to all honourable motives. It favours the man who is without them, and it puts heavy burdens upon the man who has them.

On the tyranny of Utopianism, never more in evidence than it is as I write these lines:

The man who hopes absurdly, it appears, is in some fantastic and gaseous manner a better citizen than the man who detects and exposes the truth. Bear this sweet democratic axiom clearly in mind. It is, fundamentally, what is the matter with the United States.

In sum:

One thus sees the world as a vast field of greased poles, flying gaudy and seductive flags. Up each a human soul goes shinning, painfully and with many a slip. Some climb eventually to the high levels; a few scale the dizziest heights. But the great majority never get very far from the ground. There they struggle for a while, and then give it up. The effort is too much for them; it doesn’t seem to be worth its agonies. Golf is easier; so is joining Rotary; so is Fundamentalism; so is osteopathy; so is Americanism. In an aristocratic society government is a function of those who have got relatively far up the poles, either by their own prowess or by starting from the shoulders of their fathers — which is to say, either by God’s grace or by God’s grace. In a democratic society it is the function of all, and hence mainly of those who have got only a few spans from the ground. Their eyes, to be sure, are still thrown toward the stars. They contemplate, now bitterly, now admiringly, the backsides of those who are above them. They are bitter when they sense anything rationally describable as actual superiority; they admire when what they see is fraud. Bitterness and admiration, interacting, form a complex of prejudices which tends to cast itself into more or less stable forms. Fresh delusions, of course, enter into it from time to time, usually on waves of frantic emotion, but it keeps its main outlines. This complex of prejudices is what is known, under democracy, as public opinion. It is the glory of democratic states.

Enough for now, I think. I just thought you all could use some holiday cheer.

Tilting At Windmills

It has for many years been a tenet of the Progressive religion that solar and wind power must replace fossil fuels as the source of supply for our energy-hungry civilization. Critics of the idea have said all along that this is an impossible dream, a colossal waste of resources, is destructive to the environment in rarely mentioned ways, that it makes the West dependent upon suppliers of exotic materials, and is a moral error besides.

Germany, which has wasted hundreds of billions of euros on this “faith-based initiative”, is now learning these lessons the hard way. A recent report at the Canada Free Press tells the story in depressing detail. I won’t excerpt it here — you should read it all — but I’ll offer a brief summary.

Above all, there’s the inconstancy of sun and wind. When they are strong, Germany’s solar generators and wind farms produce so much energy in such a short time that there’s no way for the German grid to absorb it. This means that Germany has to unload the temporary excess to other countries — who don’t want it, and must be paid to take it. This cost is passed along to German consumers. Sometimes the overproduction is so high that the solar and wind facilities have to be ordered to shut down. When this happens, the operators of those facilities (which were built with lavish government subsidies in the first place), are reimbursed for their downtime. Once again, the cost is passed along to the consumer (or to the taxpayer, which amounts to the same thing).

When wind and sun are weak, as often happens, commercial consumers must be told to reduce their usage, slowing industrial production. They quite rightly insist on being compensated for this, which they are — and once again, consumers foot the bill. If sun and wind fall short for any length of time, however, fossil-fuel plants have to be fired up to cover the gap. This is an extremely inefficient use of these facilities, and makes for greater CO2 emissions than if they’d just been chugging along full-time as before (that is, back when they easily and reliably supplied Germany’s electrical demand). This inefficiency means the electricity they create is far more expensive than it otherwise would be, a surplus cost that is, once again, borne by the ordinary German citizen — who can at this point be heard groaning, off in the distance, in a gigantic steam-powered lemon-squeezer.

There’s more to this depressing little parable, but now you must go and read the article. You can do so here.

Update: In response to comments, I’ve looked up the actual cost of electricity for German households. It is about €0.295 per kilowatt hour, nearly three times the average cost in the U.S. (which at current exchange rates is about €0.11).

This of course wouldn’t include the costs absorbed by the German government (i.e., by the German taxpayer).

We should note also that it seems that an overwhelming majority of Germans think the extra cost is worth it. Here, for example, is an article putting that number at an astonishing 95%.

Why? For religious reasons, of course:

“People in Germany know the deployment must continue so we can fulfil our obligations regarding climate protection and future generations…’

In other words: salvation through atonement. The “deployment”, however sweetly painful, “must continue” — until our sin is washed away.

As I’ve written elsewhere:

In the beginning, there was only God.

From God arose Man.

Before his Fall, Man lived simply, and in perfect harmony with God. It was a Paradise on Earth.

Then a disaster happened. Man acquired a new kind of Knowledge: knowledge that he did not need, but that conferred upon him enormous temptation. In his unwisdom, and against God’s wishes, Man succumbed. His new Knowledge gave him great power, but at a terrible cost: he had turned his back on God, and his Paradise was lost. In his exile, he would wield his ill-gained power in prideful suffering and woe.

But then came a Messenger, offering the possibility of Redemption: if Man were to renounce his awful Knowledge, and learn once again to surrender himself to the love of God, he would be forgiven, and could find his way back to Paradise. It would not be easy ”” it would require that he make terrible sacrifices, atone for his many sins, and give up his worldly comforts and much that he had come to love ”” but if his faith was strong, his Salvation could become a reality, and he could once again live in Paradise, in sweet communion with God.

In order to move from the old religion to the new one, we need only substitute “Nature’ for “God’ in the passages above.

Sayonara, Syria

There’s been a ruction, unsurprisingly, about President Trump’s announcement that we’ll be pulling U.S. troops out of Syria. I have no objection whatsoever to this decision: Mr. Trump’s promise to disentangle ourselves from pointless and costly wars in far-off snakepits was an important part of why he was elected, and Syria, a viper’s nest if ever there was one, is exactly the sort of place where we ought not to be spilling another drop of American blood, or spending another dollar.

In the mail this morning was John McCreary’s analysis at NightWatch:

NightWatch Comment: This decision has generated much criticism. There is no explanation for the timing, but President Erdogan had a phone conversation with the US President last Friday, 14 December, and announced this week that the US President was positive about Turkey’s plan to attack the Kurds in eastern Syria.

Amid all the negative backlash, some facts and relationships have been ignored. The essay is neither for or against the policy. It explains aspects of the situation that seldom receive attention

The Turks, the Russians, the Iranians and the Syrians all have called for the departure of US soldiers. The Syrians repeatedly denounced the US and Turkish presence as lawless. Their departure would cure this complaint and leave only Turkey in violation of international law.

The US military forces had a specific, narrow mission which originally was to capture Raqqa. They accomplished that; anything beyond that was mission creep.

Somehow capturing Raqqa expanded into ensuring the Islamic State was permanently defeated, an endless task.

Then the mission morphed into protecting the Kurds. That expanded into blocking the Iranians. Then came ensuring a government without Syrian President Assad; then staying until there was a political settlement and finally seeking a fundamental regime change but Assad can stay.

Assuming the US decision stands, the withdrawal order constitutes the clearest mission restatement since the order to liberate Raqqa.

The US -backed proxies, the Syrian Democratic Forces, are dominant in a third of the country. It contains Syria’s oil fields. No government in Damascus would tolerate that condition. Assad has never wavered in his determination to restore Syrian sovereignty. At some point, a confrontation was inevitable.

The US has never had a strong rationale for involvement in Syria. The images of then Secretary of State Kerry fawning over Assad during an earlier administration were as unnatural as the US supporting soldiers and Marines in a completely land-locked enclave that is mostly desert.

The wonder is not that they are withdrawing, but how did the US manage to keep them there for so long with heavy artillery. No other country on earth could do that and few would see wisdom in doing it.

The US is not ceding Syria to anyone. It never had anything to cede. Despite dominating a third of Syria, the US has had no influence in Syria beyond the fight against the Islamic State. It clandestinely supported the anti-Assad movements which resulted in a colossal embarrassment. Plus they lost the civil war.

The other parties live in the region, except the Russians. The Russians have had ties to Syria since 1946. They have had a naval facility at Tartus since 1971 by invitation. The Russians, Iranians and Turks filled all available political space long before the first US soldier arrived.

The US could not protect the Kurds. The US backing of the Kurds could not prevent their loss of Afrin Canton to the Turks in two major operations. None of the major regional actors support the Kurds. Russia tried and failed to arrange for the Kurds to attend UN-backed or Russian-backed political meetings.

Some US contingents were vulnerable to attack. In October, Iranian ballistic missiles aimed at Islamic State targets in eastern Syria came within three miles of a US military position. On days when weather grounded US air support, some US contingents were attacked viciously by Islamic State fighters.

Islamic State fighters remain in Syria and continue to relocate and reconstitute in many countries, including Afghanistan, Pakistan and Indian Kashmir. China is concerned about returning Uighur fighters. The US military success in Syria forced non-Syrian fighters to return to their homes, generating an Islamic State diaspora.

The many Israeli air attacks against Iranians in Syria are a testament that the US military presence posed no significant obstacle to expansion of Iranian activities in Syria.

After the US forces depart, the natural order will return. The Russians have been laying the foundation for it for the past three years. In defeating the Islamic State, the US has been the key enabler of a return to normal order in Syria.

The Russians were a Syrian ally for 60 years. Their position has been strengthened because they did not have to fight the Islamic State. They added an airbase and signed a 99 years lease for the naval base. They used the civil war to field test their most modern weapons and all their field commanders.

Most of that would not have been possible without the US effort that defeated the Islamic State. The Russians would have been required to commit far more forces than they did.

The Turks are the historic enemy of the Russians, Arabs and the Persians. The US intervention force distracted the Russians, Arabs and Iranians from that underlying fact. None of these parties will defend the Kurds, but they will now be able to focus on frustrating Turkish President Erdogan’s pretense to restore Ottoman dominance.

After the Turks pound the Kurds one more time, the next order of business will be the reduction of the extremists in Idlib, whom Turkey has promised to protect. Turkey is likely to suffer a strategic humiliation in Idlib. This will break up the troika of Russia, Iran and Turkey. The withdrawal of US forces will remove anti-US hostility as the mastic that has encouraged the three historic enemies to work together.

The Kurds want to create a federal state. That won’t happen, but the US has empowered them. With better arms, training and experience, they are better equipped to negotiate an arrangement with the Syrian government and to resist the Turks. If the Turks attempt genocide, US airpower will remain in the region and on call.

Then the next order of business will be the re-emergence of the old hatred of the Turks. Russia, Syria and Iran eventually will induce Turkey to withdraw its forces back across the border. Turkey’s invasion of Syria; its support for Syrian Islamic extremist groups and its dalliances with Russia and China will diminish its stature in NATO. When there was an Islamist threat on NATO’s flank, the Turks sided with the Islamists.

With no US forces in Syria, the US will have the opportunity to have a relationship with Syria. In many indirect and important ways, the US military presence saved the Assad government by enabling its allies. However, the government in Damascus will be looking for opportunities to balance its dependence on Russia and Iran. The Russians will always be amenable to letting the US shoulder the costs of Syrian reconstruction.

As for Iran, Syria is a secular state, the last of the Ba’athists ”“ pan-Arab socialists. Iran’s relationship with Syria during peace time always has been uneasy, bordering on unnatural.

Religion has almost nothing to do with the Syrian-Iranian relationship. It is based on the Syrian confrontation with Israel. The practices and beliefs of the Alawite sect in Syria border on heresy and apostasy for Sunni and Shia Muslims of strict observance.

For years, Syria has allowed Iran to use Syria as the conduit for arms to Hizballah, enabling Hizballah to open the Lebanese front on Israel’s northern border. Tension between Hizballah and Israel is likely to increase and could lead to conflict, but the US presence in Syria has been tangential to that scenario, despite the best efforts of Prime Minister Netanyahu to draw the US into the larger Arab-Israeli confrontation.

In Syria, the US has born the costs and fought the war for other parties who have stronger and more direct interests. The US military effort provided a security umbrella that enabled a measure of stability to in Syria.

That is an unintended consequence because stability in Syria was never an American policy objective.

Analysis of this quality and depth doesn’t grow on trees, friends, and NightWatch is, I believe, struggling to make ends meet. If you have any interest in geostrategic affairs, and want to preserve this outstanding resource, you should subscribe.

Michael Vlahos On “Progressive” Religiosity And Civil War

I’ve written for years (as have many others on the dissident Right, most notably and influentially Mencius Moldbug) that modern-day Progressivism is in fact a secularized religion. This diagnosis is plainly evident not only in its form and content, but is also confirmed by its genealogy, which reveals a lineage extending back (at least) to the Calvinist settlers of Massachusetts.

Last year I wrote:

In order correctly to understand the modern Left, it’s important to recognize it as a secularized religion. Tracing the development of this religion, from its origins in Protestantism, then Puritanism, then through its many transmutations in America ”” from sixteenth-century Massachusetts, through its northern and western Protestant expansion, through the “Awakenings’ of the seventeenth and eighteenth century, through the secularizing influence of Universalism and Unitarianism, through the sequential attachments of its “mission into the wilderness’ to various sacred causes such as abolition, Prohibition, women’s suffrage, global government, desegregation, feminism, environmentalism, Blank-Slate biological universalism, open borders, LBGT-etc. activism, and global warming, to name some salient examples ”” has been a major project of the dissident and reactionary Right over the past couple of decades. I’ve written about it often.

(See also the follow-on to the quoted post, here, and this post about Progressive religiosity in the runup to World War I.)

Here’s Moldbug, with a pithy explanation of why our national religion became our national cryptoreligion:

How did we fall for this? How did we enable an old, well-known strain of Christianity to mutate and take over our minds, just by discarding a few bits of theological doctrine and describing itself as “secular’? (As La Wik puts it: “Despite occasional confusion, secularity is not synonymous with atheism.’ Indeed.)

In other words, we have to look at the adaptive landscape of ultracalvinism. What are the adaptive advantages of crypto-Christianity? Why did those Unitarians, or even “scientific socialists,’ who downplayed their Christian roots, outcompete their peers?

Well, I think it’s pretty obvious, really. The combination of electoral democracy and “separation of church and state’ is an almost perfect recipe for crypto-Christianity.

As I’ve said before, separation of church and state is a narrow-spectrum antibiotic. What you really need is separation of information and security. If you have a rule that says the state cannot be taken over by a church, a constant danger in any democracy for obvious reasons, the obvious mutation to circumvent this defense is for the church to find some plausible way of denying that it’s a church. Dropping theology is a no-brainer. Game over, you lose, and it serves you right for vaccinating against a nonfunctional surface protein.

That the modern Left is indeed a religious movement, with all the evangelistic fervor, self-righteous moral certainty, and millenarian zeal of its Protestant ancestors, is an idea that’s gaining broad acceptance. In recent months I’ve mentioned the ongoing conversation between radio host John Batchelor and the historian Michael Vlahos about civil wars bygone and impending; of particular relevance to the topic of this post is a brief discussion, aired this past October, in which Professor Vlahos talks about the religious roots of Abolitionism, and the ominous similarities between that movement and today’s “social justice” evangelism, and the ways in which our current political climate echoes the disintegrating United States in the 1850s.

Part 1 is here, and part 2 is here. Have a listen.

Special Delivery

The lovely Nina and I have just welcomed into the world our second grandchild, Declan Calder Wright, born to our daughter Chloe and her husband Christopher (who is as fine a young man as ever there was) here in Vienna, Austria, at 2:40 p.m. on Saturday, December 15th, 2018. (His middle name, Calder, was my mother‘s maiden name.)

Here’s wee Declan, just born:
 

 
And here he is with his older brother Liam, now two and a half:
 

 

The Beatings Will Continue Until Morale Improves

Here’s an illustrative point from Theodore Dalrymple:

Curiously, liberals who have long denied that punishment deters crime””or indeed serves any purpose, except to take vengeance on the weak and vulnerable, driven to crime by their wretched circumstances””are generally avid for strong penalties for hate crime. The way to make people like one another is to punish them into amiability.

If you think (as even Mr. Dalrymple seems to do) that this shows a lack of principle, you’re wrong: you’re just looking in the wrong place. As I’ve noted before, these people most certainly do have a consistent guiding principle, a “Prime Directive”, and they stick to it with admirable discipline. It is simply this:

Defend your people, always. Attack the enemy with whatever comes to hand, always.

Remember always that this principle trumps all others. If it conflicts with another — as, in this case, it conflicts with the hallowed liberal principle of offloading personal responsibility for bad behavior onto social or other causes — the Prime Directive always wins.

Localism And Globalism: Ebb And Flow

As a staunch subsidiarianist, I’ve been pointing out for a while now the perils of centralization and interdependency in global and regional affairs. Just over two years ago I wrote:

It is well-known in the engineering disciplines that too-tight “coupling” is at the root of many, if not most, failures of complex systems. Far more robust are loosely coupled systems, in which components interact with, and depend on, each other no more than is necessary; in which the actions of each component affect the actions of others only so far as is essential for the operation of the system as a whole; in which friction between components is minimized; and in which the failure of a single component does not unnecessarily cause the failure of others. This is precisely the opposite of the systems that govern us today, at both the national and global level.

Richard Fernandez has written a couple of good articles recently that touch on the same idea. (A hat-tip to my e-pal Bill Keezer for bringing them to my attention.)

In the first, Mr. Fernandez looks at the difficulties facing globalism, and asks:

But suppose we have only been offered a fake globalization so far? One way to get understand what real globalization looks like is to examine the global schemes that actually work. A familiar example is your computer or phone. They’re studded with icons each represents different programs all of which can run simultaneously because of walls. It wasn’t always this way. When PCs first came out they could only do one thing at a time. You loaded up a floppy and ran Visicalc. To run Wordstar you exited Visicalc and loaded another floppy. When programs tried to coexist in the same space they initially ran into problems. Program A interfered with the resources of Program B and you got — the older people will remember — the Blue Screen of Death.

Then we learned that walls can make them work together. This is called componentization and clearly described by Leo Linbeck in his article at AEI.

The first strategy is to break a big, complex system into smaller, simpler subsystems and carefully define the way those subsystems interact. Even after such a breakdown, if a system continues to grow, the subsystems themselves will become too large and must be broken down further into smaller sub-subsystems. Through this subdivision process, we not only reduce the complexity of the subsystems but also increase the number of people who can deal with the problem. …

Yet creating a hierarchy of subsystems is not enough. There must be a commitment to subsidiarity — that is, pushing control as low in the hierarchy as possible. We do not reduce complexity if we create additional subsystems but still control everything from the center. In fact, it makes the complexity problem worse. In programming, interaction between components is managed through an interface. Higher-order components, for instance, cannot directly access and modify the properties of lower-order components — they must access those properties through the interface of that lower-order component. This rule — which, perhaps counterintuitively, limits the power of the higher-order component — is a way to keep complexity under control.

That should be our model for the world. In our haste to dismantle walls we have made local conflicts international: witness the refugees streaming out of Venezuela, Syria and Central America toward their neighbors. We have made the international local. That’s why we have ‘collusion’. The implication is clear. You create a working global world by building down and hooking the components together not by creating ever more complex Rube Goldberg multilateral institutions. It also aligns nicely with Yoram Hazony’s concept of a community of nations.

The building of national identity based on a shared culture, language or identity enables globalism — without abolishing the nations.

This is exactly right. Quite apart from the natural human impulse to live amongst people who share our own language, traditions, folklore, rituals, idioms, and everything else that binds people together and allows the private and public to coexist with minimal friction, the blessing of subsidiarity — of administering everything as locally as possible — is that it decouples communities into loosely connected modules that solve social, administrative and economic problems, even those problems that affect every community, in whatever way is best suited to local particularities.

This has many advantages over centralization and imposed homogeneity. One is that it makes government directly accountable to the people it serves: the people responsible for creating and administering policy are often known personally to their constituents. Another is that localities can become incubators for new approaches to old problems; when they solve them in new and effective ways, they can become examples for other communities. Another is that the effects of crisis and failure are far less likely to ripple through the global system (a cautionary example of too-tight coupling is the effect that the financial crisis in Greece had on the global economy a little while back). Another is that local systems can be “swapped out” when they fail with minimal disruption of the rest of the global network.

In another recent essay, Mr. Fernandez points out that this problem is hardly a new one; it not only contributed to the fall of Rome, but also was a likely factor in the Bronze Age Collapse, more than a thousand years earlier.

These regularities (perhaps we might even say “laws”) of human nature and of complex systems are real, and permanent — and human history is little more than a catalogue of their truth and persistence. The resurgence of nationalist sentiment both in Europe and elsewhere, and the growing political tension in the United States, are only the latest examples. Yet those of us who understand that some “decoupling” is long overdue, and will happen either peaceably or catastrophically, are shunned and reviled in the harshest moral terms.

It would have been a tremendous blessing for humanity if we had understood these principles well enough to have preserved some of the looser coupling and local particularities of the past, but we have relentlessly and unwittingly broken them down for a century and more, abetted by astonishing advances in communication and transportation — while at the same time the horrors of the twentieth century cast grave moral doubt on the very idea of national and ethnic identity. It is in the nature of history for the great pendulum of human affairs, once given a vigorous push, to swing far beyond equilibrium — and it is also in the nature of pendulums to conserve momentum, and to swing in reverse with equal force.

Report From Abroad

The lovely Nina and I are settled in now in Vienna, and our daughter is due to bring forth our second grandson on Wednesday (though he may arrive sooner). We are quartered in a little apartment in the 3rd District, just around the corner from the Hundertwasserhaus, and we are waiting, well, expectantly.

Paris may be burning, but Vienna is, as always, orderly. The traffic moves smoothly, the trains and trams run on time, and the city is all dressed up for Christmas. Today we visited the outdoor Kristmasmarkt in the plaza outside the magnificent Karlskirche, which was full of cheery locals buying gifts and sipping GlÁ¼hwein.

We’ll have some news shortly.

Service Notice

Sorry it’s been slow here. We’ve been getting my 97-year-old mother-in-law‘s life in order after her fall last month, and today the lovely Nina and I are off to Vienna, where our daughter is expecting her second child — a baby boy — on the 12th.

I’ll be back online once we get settled in Austria.

What If…

Over at West Hunter, Greg Cochran imagines a counterfactual world in which everything we on the Dissident Right know to be true is false, and everything we are told to believe by our cultural overlords is true. I reproduce this vision below, in full:

Since I just found out that someone already wrote the story about Sauron as the doomed hero leading an abortive Industrial Revolution, was thinking about a different fantasy world: one in which the environmentalists were correct. One where interventions work & have lasting, significant, results. Head Start equalizes. Guys, after a hitch in the Job Corps, are far more employable then they were before. Pre-K materially improves outcomes, even without p-hacking ( which is hardly necessary, since the world works the way that social psychologists wish it did). Adopted kids, exposed to the same family environment, are just like the true-blood children, not especially likely to be screwed up.

MZ twins* don’t even look like each other.

Race does not exist. Well, people look a little different, but given similar environments, they have the same chance of winning the 100-meter dash, or becoming first-rate mathematicians.

Teenage girls are just as likely to wrap their jalopy around a telephone pole as their boyfriends ”“ at least, that became true when we modernized childcare.

Going to elite schools actually makes you smarter ”“ and the negatives are less than here, because over there the crap that they push is true.

Left-wing behavioral geneticists are working fast food, since their subject does not exist, but at least they’re happy.

The Soviet Union, which still exists, exports massive quantities of Arctic wheat.

You can train a basset hound to act just like a Chihuahua.

Gaps faded away: they just had to.

Given a chance, along with some DDT and chloroquine, Africans start exporting scads of high-end cars and machine tools, while winning Nobels and proving the ERH**. Not only that: places like Indonesia and Pakistan and Nigeria are great powers, perfectly capable of inventing and building new superweapons, perfecting armored warfare, and coming up with ”“ and implementing ”“ demented ideologies that devastate whole continents. Africa and South America are wracked by industrialized total war. Poison gas, not machetes ! Brazil is the country of the present ”“ and always will be.

Of course, you have to be real careful raising toddlers, because even looking at them sideways can leave them psychologically crippled. The right kind of toilet training is crucial. Detached moms can inflict autism without hardly trying: overprotective moms can turn any boy gay. Although that’s also, at the same time, entirely genetic, unlike anything else.

And considering how awful the results of bad early environments can be, it’s a wonder how the children of the Depression ever managed to do more than chip flint.

* Monozygotic, i.e. “identical”.
** The Extended Riemann Hypothesis.

The Other Shoe

While all the attention has been on Robert Mueller’s abusive inquisition into factitious allegations about Donald Trump’s “collusion” with Russia, there’s been another, far more serious, investigation moling away in the background: DOJ Inspector General Horowitz’s inquiry into the Clinton Foundation and Obama administration’s shady dealings with Rosatom and Uranium One.

Wiring at National Review, the former Federal prosecutor and incisive legal analyst Andrew McCarthy laid out a detailed explanation late last year. His article began:

Let’s put the Uranium One scandal in perspective: The cool half-million bucks the Putin regime funneled to Bill Clinton was five times the amount it spent on those Facebook ads ”” the ones the media-Democrat complex ludicrously suggests swung the 2016 presidential election to Donald Trump.

The Facebook-ad buy, which started in June 2015 ”” before Donald Trump entered the race ”” was more left-wing agitprop (ads pushing hysteria on racism, immigration, guns, etc.) than electioneering. The Clintons’ own long-time political strategist Mark Penn estimates that just $6,500 went to actual electioneering. (You read that right: 65 hundred dollars.) By contrast, the staggering $500,000 payday from a Kremlin-tied Russian bank for a single speech was part of a multi-million-dollar influence-peddling scheme to enrich the former president and his wife, then”“secretary of state Hillary Clinton. At the time, Russia was plotting ”” successfully ”” to secure U.S. government approval for its acquisition of Uranium One, and with it, tens of billions of dollars in U.S. uranium reserves.

Here’s the kicker: The Uranium One scandal is not only, or even principally, a Clinton scandal. It is an Obama-administration scandal.

The Clintons were just doing what the Clintons do: cashing in on their “public service.’ The Obama administration, with Secretary Clinton at the forefront but hardly alone, was knowingly compromising American national-security interests. The administration green-lighted the transfer of control over one-fifth of American uranium-mining capacity to Russia, a hostile regime ”” and specifically to Russia’s state-controlled nuclear-energy conglomerate, Rosatom. Worse, at the time the administration approved the transfer, it knew that Rosatom’s American subsidiary was engaged in a lucrative racketeering enterprise that had already committed felony extortion, fraud, and money-laundering offenses.

The Obama administration also knew that congressional Republicans were trying to stop the transfer. Consequently, the Justice Department concealed what it knew. DOJ allowed the racketeering enterprise to continue compromising the American uranium industry rather than commencing a prosecution that would have scotched the transfer. Prosecutors waited four years before quietly pleading the case out for a song, in violation of Justice Department charging guidelines. Meanwhile, the administration stonewalled Congress, reportedly threatening an informant who wanted to go public.

I would summarize and excerpt the rest of Mr. McCarthy’s account here, but his article is already a cask-strength condensation of this complex and outrageous affair. It is a sickening story of venality and corruption at the highest levels of government, and you should read it for yourself, slowly and carefully. Suffice it to say that it seems clear that the Clintons and the Obama DOJ worked together to suppress a major international money-laundering and extortion racket, while compromising U.S. national-security interests in order to enrich and protect the Clintons and their benefactors, and to further the Obama/Clinton “reset” initiative.

Getting back to current events, the Epoch Times reports on several recent actions by federal investigators: a seizure of documents from a Uranium One whistleblower, two accelerating money-laundering investigations into European banks, and the indictment of one Abul Farouki, a Clinton Foundation donor and Clinton Global Initiative crony, for a variety of international mischief, including defrauding the U.S. military and money-laundering.

What will come of all this? Nothing, perhaps; it is not cynicism to imagine, in this dark world, that power and money and blackmail and intimidation may prevail against justice. If Mrs. Clinton had been elected, it would have been a certainty. But by an astonishing act of Providence, she wasn’t — and so we will watch and wait, and hope.

Judith Curry On Sea Level Rise

Actual Climate Scientist Dr. Judith Curry has spent eighteen months reviewing the issue of sea-level rise. Her report is here.

Briefly, her conclusions are:

Is the recent sea level rise (since 1993) of magnitude 3 mm/year unusual?

No, although this conclusion is conditional on the quality of the global sea level data. The available evidence shows the following:

Sea level was apparently higher than present at the time of the Holocene Climate Optimum (~ 5000 years ago), at least in some regions.
Tide gauges show that sea levels began to rise during the 19th century, after several centuries associated with cooling and sea level decline. Tide gauges also show that rates of global mean sea level rise between 1920 and 1950 were comparable to recent rates.

Recent research has concluded that there is no consistent or compelling evidence that recent rates of sea level rise are abnormal in the context of the historical records back to the 19th century that are available across Europe.

Has recent global sea level rise been caused by human-caused global warming?

Identifying a potential human fingerprint on recent sea level rise is confounded by the large magnitude of natural internal variability associated with ocean circulation patterns. There is not yet convincing evidence of a fingerprint on sea level rise associated with human-caused global warming:

The slow emergence of fossil fuel emissions prior to 1950 did not contribute significantly to sea level rise observed in the 19th and early 20th centuries.
The recent acceleration in mean global sea level rise (since 1995) is caused by mass loss from Greenland that appears to have been larger during the 1930’s, with both periods associated with the warm phase of the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation.

To what extent is local sea level rise influenced by global sea level rise?

In many of the most vulnerable coastal locations, the dominant causes of local sea level rise are natural oceanic and geologic processes and land use practices. Land use and engineering in the major coastal cities have brought on many of the worst problems, notably landfilling in coastal wetland areas and groundwater extraction.

How much will sea level rise in the 21st century?

Local sea level in many regions will continue to rise in the 21st century — independent of global climate change.

Emissions scenario choice exerts a great deal of influence on predicted sea level rise after 2050. If RCP8.5 is rejected as an extremely unlikely or impossible scenario, then the appropriate range of sea level rise scenarios to consider for 2100 is 0.2 – 1.6 m. Values exceeding 2 feet are increasingly weakly justified. Values exceeding 1.6 m require a cascade of extremely unlikely to impossible events, the joint likelihood of which is arguably impossible.

Further, these values of sea level rise are contingent on the climate models predicting the correct amount of temperature increase. There are numerous reasons to think that the climate models are predicting too much warming for the 21st century, and hence the more extreme values of sea level rise (above 1 m) are arguably too high.

Oh, Lay Off It Already

I’m getting awfully tired of powerful and successful people who, upon receiving some award or other, take care to inform us how “humbled” they are by it.

Hogwash. Nobody is ever “humbled” by this sort of thing. In truth it makes any normal man purr in happy assurance of his own excellence, and causes his ego to inflate like the throat-pouch of a frog.

The Caravan: A NightWatch Special Comment

This over the transom during the wee hours, from John McCreary’s NightWatch:

A brief living systems analysis of the caravan that trekked from Honduras to Tijuana provides insights about the phenomenon of the caravan.

The caravan emerged as a living system when it left San Pedro Sula in northern Honduras. There is a history of anti-government unrest and demonstrations in that city.

In January, anti-government demonstrations in San Pedro Sula were disrupted by the earthquake that month in Honduras. The slow pace of reconstruction appears to be the government’s response to entrenched opposition activity and would explain a lack of jobs and prospects.

There is a political undercurrent to the caravan that has not been reported. Honduras seems to have exported political agitators. If so, the Tegucigalpa government would have been pleased to facilitate their departure.

The fact that the caravan held together through the journey means that all 20 subsystems of a living system received their share of the information, matter and energy required to sustain the life of the system, the caravan.

Inputs of information, matter and energy sustain life in all living systems, from amoebas to the United Nations.

The information requirement for a mobile living system is substantial. People need to be counted, identified and monitored. Special needs must be met.

The caravan moved purposefully which means that some people were providing guidance and direction and possessed problem-solving authority and resources. No reporters pursued their identities or their motives, but those are key traits of the information processing subsystem of a living system.

It is vital for the leadership to provide information in a living system about the sources of food and water; public health and hygiene; places to camp and find entertainment; the sources of tents, toilet tissue and soap; how and where to obtain essential items and how to allocate them.

Somebody charted the route for the caravan to take and ensured it followed it.

In terms of matter, a few reporters posted images of the lines of tractor trailer trucks that supported the movement. These apparently contained the supplies, including tents and daily necessities, needed to provide about 2,000 calories per day for each of up to 7,000 people, mostly men.

A key subsystem of a living system is waste extrusion. 7,000 people leave about 3.5 tons of waste every day.

Relative to matter, good walking shoes would be vital for making a long hike, not sneakers or flip-flops, which were common on videos.

The most important unanswered question about matter is by whom and how was this caravan financed. Some videos showed unidentified individuals passing out cash to caravan members at road stops, but the source of the funds was never reported by open source reporters.

Concerning energy, the line of tractor trailers means that access to motor fuels was as essential as food and water. It also suggests that the caravan members did not rely primarily on shanks’ mare in making the trek.

In a living systems analysis, the caravan was a complex living system. Nothing about it looks spontaneous or unorganized. It was well financed and effective as a living system. Its ultimate purpose will not be known until the leaders and backers are identified and questioned.

Thinking Inside The Box

Recording technology has undergone a fundamental change over the past couple of decades, and what has changed the most, and has caused the most controversy, is the move to “mixing in the box”.

I’ll give some background for those of you who aren’t familiar with what this means:

In multi-track recording, individual instruments and vocals are recorded on their own isolated tracks. This means that a key part of record-making is blending those individual tracks into the final product: a composite sound-field, usually in stereo, in which the instruments and voices are carefully balanced and positioned.

There are a practically infinite number of options and choices for the engineer to make when mixing. For each instrument or vocal, at minimum there are choices to make about dynamics (how loud or soft to make the instrument in different parts of the song), tone (adjusting the “brightness” or “warmth” of the sound), panning (where the instrument should be positioned along the left-right axis), and depth (how “present” the voice or instrument should be, which roughly corresponds to position along the subjectively perceived near-far axis).

For tone, we use “equalizers” (a.k.a. “EQ”) and “filters” — devices that boost or cut specific ranges of audio frequencies. All modern recording consoles have one of these built in to every channel, and every brand and model has its own distinctive qualities. There are also scores, if not hundreds, of free-standing (or “outboard”) EQs to choose from; typically a well-equipped studio would have several of these available that an engineer could patch in if the console’s inboard EQ wasn’t quite giving him what he wanted for a particular track. Many of the more popular console manufacturers, such as Neve, API, and Solid State Logic, also made their inboard EQs available for sale as outboard units.

For dynamics, there is, first and foremost, a fader — a sliding, linear volume controller. But there are also useful electronic processors that control volume automatically in various ways. A “compressor”, for example, is a line amplifier with an adjustable threshold; if the input level exceeds the threshold, the gain of the amplifier is automatically reduced. This is handy in general for controlling a track that has occasional loudness peaks that would be difficult to smooth out by hand, but it can also squeeze and fatten a sound in pleasing ways. As with equalizers, there are many, many types of compressors, and any good studio of my era would have a lot of them lying around.

For depth, which as more subtle and subjective quality, we use reverberation, which simulates the diffused and extended sounds of large acoustic spaces — chambers, concert halls, churches, etc. — and echoes, which are delayed and transformed repeats of the input sound, bouncing in from various directions. For all of these, there are once again a great variety of devices, ranging from actual “live” chambers (only high-end studios, generally, could offer those), to suspended metal plates, to, starting in the late 70s and getting better ever since, electronic processors capable of simulating various acoustic spaces.

These are only a few of the tools in the mixer’s kit — there are lots of other tricks and gadgets to produce more exotic effects as well, such as phasing, flanging, pitch-shifting, harmonic distortion, and so on. The good studios were well-stocked with these things.

As you can imagine, the cost of all this equipment quickly added up, and the studios passed the expense along to their clients, usually by the hour. (An hour of studio time at Power Station in 1980 or so cost $250; adjusted for inflation, in 2018 dollars, that would be over $750.) A high-end console alone could cost hundreds of thousands of dollars, and when you throw in all of those outboard processors and tape machines, putting together a state-of-the art mixing room could easily run into seven figures. But it was rooms like these where all the hit records of the past were mixed. For the engineer, the studio, and particularly the console, was the instrument: we played it all with our hands. What’s more, those big, hot analog consoles and outboard gear had not just physical, but sonic warmth; there was something about blending all that sound through all those channels and busses and tubes and amplifiers that the early digital gear simply couldn’t duplicate.

So: along comes Pro Tools — a digital platform that comprises a virtual console, signal processors, and multi-track recorder all in one. I remember when we saw its first incarnation at Power Station back in the early 80s; back then it was called Sound Tools, and it was nothing more than a two-track digital recorder and editor. But it has come a very long way since then, and it is now a complete recording and mixing system “in a box”. Instead of spending upwards of a million dollars, it’s possible to put together a top-of-the-line Pro Tools mixing system, including good monitor speakers, for under $15,000.

This has led to a debate among professional engineers: it’s obvious what’s cheaper, but what’s better? If money isn’t an object, how would you rather mix a record: in a high-end studio with a big, warm, analog console, a physical fader for every track, racks filled with “vintage” outboard gear, and a rich, tactile experience — or sitting in front of a computer screen, manipulating everything with a keyboard, a mouse, and perhaps a small control-surface?

Most engineers starting out today have never even had the chance to experience mixing on a big physical console, and a lot of them wish they could. To be able to have the whole mix literally at your fingertips, to spread your hands across the faders and to have every parameter of every channel under direct, intuitive control, to feel the warmth and weight of the console in the sound itself, is for engineers of my generation what mixing was. It’s a hard thing to say goodbye to.

But I’ll probably never do it again. Here’s why:

First: sound quality is no longer an issue. All that analog harmonic “warmth” has been meticulously analyzed and digitally modeled. Whatever all those Neve and SSL channels were adding to the sound is now available to the engineer in Pro Tools as well. The “coldness” of digital audio was a legitimate concern in the early days. Now it simply isn’t (and don’t let anyone tell you otherwise).

Second: in a physical studio, even the best ones, you might have available only a few of each type of outboard processor. If, for example, you love the smooth effect of vintage Pultec equalizers, and the room you were mixing in had three of them available, that meant that if you used one on the acoustic guitar and two on the drum overheads, you didn’t have another left over later on to put on the lead vocal. But — lo and behold — several different companies have made precise digital models of these old EQs, and once you buy the software “plugin”, you can use separate instances of it on as many tracks as you like. So instead of owning three physical Pultecs for $3500 each, you can have as many as you want for next to nothing. (As I write this, that plugin is on sale for $29.) I often use a dozen or more in a mix. They sound — trust me — just like the real thing. Pretty much every piece of gear you might have found in a top-notch studio of my era — compressors, limiters, and every other kind of signal processor, and even the tape machines themselves — has been carefully modeled as a digital plugin. What’s more, some of the best studios of the old days — Abbey Road in particular — have modeled their custom-made consoles, reverb units, live chambers, tape effects, etc. as digital plugins.

Third: in the physical studio, once a mix has been printed to tape, the console, along with the rest of the control-room, is reset to normal for the next piece of work. If, after listening to a mix for a few days, the producer decides to change a few things, the engineer must spend a long time — typically an hour or two — getting the console, and all the outboard gear, set up just the way it had been (this also means that somebody, usually an underpaid assistant, had to write down all the settings of all that old rack-mounted gear, and document all the patch-bay connections, before putting everything away). In Pro Tools, though, everything is just saved to a session file; reloading a mix just as it was left off typically takes less than a minute.

Fourth: on the old mixing consoles, you could automate fader levels and channel mutes, but not a lot more. If you wanted to make changes to other things in different parts of the mix — panning, effects sends, EQ settings, etc. — you had to do it by hand, “on the fly”, or use duplicate channels, with different settings, to automate them. In Pro Tools every parameter of everything in the mix is fully programmable, including all of those third-party-plugins.

Fifth: even the biggest consoles had their limits. I can’t recall what the biggest one I ever worked on was, but I think it was a 96-channel SSL someplace. That’s a lot of real estate; the thing was probably about fifteen or twenty feet long. Pro Tools just adds channels as you need them; if your project requires it, you can have hundreds — and rather than scooting back and forth from one end of the console to another (which means that you spend a lot of time outside the focal point of your monitor speakers), you can stay in one place and scroll the console.

Sixth: for the creative musician, there is also an astonishing variety of virtual instruments available: synthesizers of every kind, as well as painstakingly modeled and sampled drum-kits, pianos, organs, orchestral ensembles, and ethnic instruments from around the world. There are virtual versions of old favorites, too: I have, for example, a Mellotron, a Fender Rhodes, a Hammond B-3 (with Leslie cabinet), and — one of my favorites — a virtual drum-kit recorded, at my old alma mater Power Station, by my friend Neil Dorfsman. It’s as if I never left. For the guitarist or bassist, there are also beautifully constructed models of favorite amps. I couldn’t afford to buy a Marshall stack, a Mesa Boogie, a Fender Twin, an Ampeg B-15, and a Vox AC-30 — but now I have them all, and a whole lot more. All I have to do is plug in.

Finally: the money is an object. In my basement I have a state-of-the-art Pro Tools system, with scores of plugins and virtual instruments, in a smallish room that I built for the purpose. As a man of modest means, I could never have afforded to build such a thing around an analog console. I can mix for my clients in there without sacrificing anything at all in terms of quality, and indeed I can do things on this system that would not have been possible even in the most lavishly appointed analog rooms in the world. (I know, because I’ve worked in them.)

Do I miss the old consoles, and the palatial, well-staffed studios that housed them? Yes, I most certainly do; I was lucky enough to experience the “old way” at its very best, way back when it was the only way. Now, instead, I mix by myself, staring at a screen in a small room in my basement. Gone is the social aspect of those bygone days, too; my clients now are usually far away, and we send files back and forth over the Internet. I especially miss the physicality of the old way: it has taken me years to give up the feel of the old familiar instrument, and to get used to the all-virtual experience.

But there’s no going back. Now that I am fully acclimated to the new way I can say without reservation that it’s not only cheaper, and more flexible: it’s better.

So: mixing “in the box”? I’m in.