Facts Of The Matter

This entry is part 12 of 15 in the series Free Will

Sam Harris has been addressing the question of free will in a series of short posts (we’ve already commented on the first two, here and very briefly here).

Dr. Harris is forthrightly skeptical that free will, as popularly conceived, exists. He seemed concerned, in the first of his posts, to make some sort of case for moral responsibility nevertheless, but it was a pretty half-hearted effort, and he didn’t pull it off. In the second post he didn’t really even try. He has now published a third item in the series, and it says nothing whatsoever about morality, focusing instead on buttressing his argument that our subjective sense of uncaused agency is an illusion.

As I’ve said before, I agree (though I don’t think that it matters in any meaningful way, in part because I think our familiar notion of “free”, original agency is incoherent).

Dr. Harris reminds us that while we can do as we choose, the choosing itself is opaque to introspection. We enter a deliberative state, and our decision simply appears. He quotes Einstein:

Honestly, I cannot understand what people mean when they talk about the freedom of the human will. I have a feeling, for instance, that I will something or other; but what relation this has with freedom I cannot understand at all. I feel that I will to light my pipe and I do it; but how can I connect this up with the idea of freedom? What is behind the act of willing to light the pipe? Another act of willing? Schopenhauer once said: Der Mensch kann was er will; er kann aber nicht wollen was er will (Man can do what he will, but he cannot will what he wills).

All correct, I think. Where then, does that leave consciousness? Experimental observation has shown that decisions seem to become accessible to conscious awareness only some time after they are made; the simplest account, then, would seem to be that consciousness is quite unnecessary for deliberation and decision-making. (Indeed, were it not for the lethal objection raised by Titus Rivas, Daniel Dennett, and others, and discussed here, I’d say that pure epiphenomenalism — the idea that consciousness has no causal effect on anything at all, and is just a spectator along for the ride — is the simplest and best account of what’s going on.)

But why, then, does consciousness even matter? Harris wonders too. He talks about “the very reason why people believe in free will in the first place: the feeling of conscious agency”:

People feel that they are the authors of their thoughts and actions, and this is the only reason why there seems to be a problem of free will worth talking about.

Each of us has many organs in addition to a brain that make unconscious “decisions” — but these are not events for which anyone feels responsible. Are you producing red blood cells and digestive enzymes at this moment? Your body is, of course, but if it “decided” to do otherwise, you would be the victim of these changes, rather than their autonomous cause. To say that I am “responsible” for everything that goes on inside my skin because it’s all “me”, is to make a claim that bears no relationship to the feelings of agency and moral responsibility that make the idea of free will an enduring problem for philosophy.

Our subjective experience having led us to a chimerical notion of what it means to be “free”, we then imagine that a choice must be conscious to be “free”, and that the choices of which we are conscious are “free”. Wrong all round, it seems.

Why, then, bother about consciousness at all, if it isn’t the seat of free agency? The answer is that consciousness matters because it is all there is to our subjective existence — and because even if our preferences and deliberations only present themselves to conscious awareness after the fact, they can still lead us to practices, to studies, to efforts of the attention, that enhance and deepen our conscious experience and the subjective enjoyment of our lives. Consciousness is what brings us into existence as loci of subjective experience.

As Gurdjieff said:

Life is real only then: when “I am.”

The Secret

Yesterday, June 12th, the lovely Nina and I celebrated our 29th wedding anniversary.

Given that so many marriages fall apart these days, that’s a pretty good streak — and as the years lengthen, I’m asked from time to time just how we’ve managed it. I’ve given it a lot of thought.

There are of course all the obvious tips: don’t marry for the wrong reasons; be slow to anger and quick to forgive; stand up for the things that really matter to you and give way cheerfully on everything else; and so on. There are other things, too, that are less obvious, that you learn over time. And there’s luck involved as well, no question: people change as they grow older, and sometimes the two who stood at the altar deeply in love simply aren’t around any more, twenty years later. There’s lots and lots more — I could probably write a book about it.

But a couple of years ago something occurred to me that I think is a very important part of why Nina and I are still so happy together after all this time — and once it struck me, I began to think that it’s probably an essential component of any long and happy marriage. This is going to sound flippant, but it isn’t: I’m 100% serious about this one, and if you think about it, you’ll understand why it makes such a difference.

Here it is:

We’ve always agreed, I think entirely without exception, about whether so-and-so is an asshole.

Stop The Hate!

There are few surer ways to mark oneself as a moral leper these days than to be a “nativist”: to imagine that over time the particular inhabitants of a place form a naturally balanced community, with an organic harmony that the mass importation of aliens is likely to disrupt, often with catastrophic results. To harbor such thoughts in this brave new world is to be a xenophobe, a bigot, a hate-filled “right-wing extremist”. It is double-plus-ungood; it is crimethink.

In case you have any lingering doubts, have a look here.

Damned If You Don’t

Here’s an item I’m still trying to get my head round:

Hebrew University has just awarded a research prize to a graduate student’s essay in which she claims that Israeli soldiers are “racists for not raping Arab women.’

Have a look.

Paper Cuts

Here and here.

A Jewel Unearthed

Poking around the other day at a second-hand bookseller’s in the West Village, I came upon a curious little self-published volume in a stained leather binding, cracked and brittle with age. Opening it with the greatest care, I discovered it to be a book of verse, and after reading a few entries with growing excitement, I realized that I held in my hand the work of an undiscovered genius. The proprietor being distracted by a mousy coed haggling over a rare first edition by Valerie Solanas, I slapped down the sticker price and scuttled out the door.

When I got the book home, I looked for clues to the author’s name, but sadly the hand-stenciled title page had almost faded away; as far as I could make out it appeared to be something like “Maxwell Poldark”. A rudely sketched portrait on the frontispiece revealed a haunted-looking man in late middle age, with a broad forehead beneath a receding hairline, a square jaw framed by drooping jowls, a strangely flattened nose, and the sunken eyes of a bibulous insomniac. Alas, a lengthy Google search turned up nothing.

I have since made discreet inquiries amongst my international network of scholars, literary critics, collectors, and connoisseurs, and my initial impression — that this “Poldark” is a hitherto unknown bard of sublime gifts, and that the slim volume now in my possession is a major discovery of immense literary importance — has been amply confirmed. I shall not publish its contents in full before my negotiations with various libraries, academic institutions, and private collectors are complete, but it would be churlish of me not to offer at least a small sample to our loyal readers. Here, then, is an offering randomly selected — and indeed, I have reason to believe that the long-forgotten verse here presented may in fact have served as the model for one far better known, and of far humbler quality.

Drinks

I shall not see, I dare to think
A poem lovely as a drink.

A drink whose level settles south,
Whilst flowing t’ward my thirsty mouth;

A drink that looks at me all night,
And puts my troubled thoughts to flight;

A drink that may, in summer, be
A frosty beer, or G&T;

Upon whose bosom tinkles ice
And rests a lovely lemon slice.

Poems are made by Hallmark, Inc.
But I’ll just make myself a drink.

Ready, Aim, Sing

Here I am working late again — so for this evening, just a link. It’s a good one, though: a collection of vintage Tom Lehrer videos.

Here.

Tilting At Windmills

Ah, the Green Revolution. Noblest of causes, worth every imaginable sacrifice. Yet what a wellspring of virtuous, practical, and best of all, economy-boosting innovations saving the planet has turned out to be! The Chevy Volt. Cap’n’Trade. Biofuels. Chinese light-bulbs. Wind-turbines.

Regarding the latter, the Viscount Monckton of Brenchley comments here.

Everything A Man Can Lose

Here’s the great Luther Allison, performing Living in the House of the Blues just a few months before his untimely death in 1997.

What’s that? Did you say you want some more? Well OK, here’s some more.

The Weight

Things look gloomy for the US economy these days. Job numbers are way down. The markets are sagging.

A while back President Obama instructed American businesses to “step up” and resume hiring. That ought to have disposed of the problem at once, but for some reason compliance has been spotty. A report from the Small Business Administration, The Impact of Regulatory Costs on Small Firms, may help to explain this mutinous insubordination.

We read:

The annual cost of federal regulations in the United States increased to more than $1.75 trillion in 2008. Had every U.S. household paid an equal share of the federal regulatory burden, each would have owed $15,586 in 2008. By comparison, the federal regulatory burden exceeds by 50 percent private spending on health care, which equaled $10,500 per household in 2008. While all citizens and businesses pay some portion of these costs, the distribution of the burden of regulations is quite uneven. The portion of regulatory costs that falls initially on businesses was $8,086 per employee in 2008. Small businesses, defined as firms employing fewer than 20 employees, bear the largest burden of federal regulations. As of 2008, small businesses face an annual regulatory cost of $10,585 per employee, which is 36 percent higher than the regulatory cost facing large firms (defined as firms with 500 or more employees).

When you add to this the unpredictable accretion of new costs and regulatory burdens forthcoming under Obamacare and other pending government initiatives, the reluctance of businesses to make new commitments — especially the small businesses that make up such a large proportion of the US job market, and upon whom the weight of government regulation falls most heavily — is easy to understand.

I had prepared another thousand words on this important topic, but instead, here’s this:

Tip-off

San Francisco is considering a ban on circumcision. In support of this initiative, prepuce protectionists in the City by the Bay have published a comic book that may look eerily familiar to European immigrants of a certain age. It has attracted considerable attention, and rightly so.

Here.

A Note From HLM

Reader JK sends along this gem from H.L. Mencken. I reproduce it in full, with highlights bolded.

H.L.MENCKEN
1524 HOLLINS ST.
BALTIMORE

December 2nd 1927

Dear Charles:-

A few notes:

1. I bought some brown shoes six or eight years ago, and have worn them off and on ever since. I have also taken to brown oxfords.

2. I have now seen about twelve movies, four or five of them to the end. I liked them all pretty well, but am not tempted to go back.

3. My favorite drinks, in order, are: beer in any form, Moselle, Burgundy, Chianti, gin and ginger-beer, and rye whiskey. I use Swedish punch only as a cocktail flavor. I dislike Scotch, and seldom drink it. It makes me vaguely uneasy. I also dislike Rhine wine, save the very best. I never have a head-ache from drink. It fetches me by giving me pains in the legs. When I get stewed I go to sleep, even in the presence of women and clergymen.

4. Curiously enough, I greatly dislike the common American dirty stories, and avoid the men who tell them habitually. They seem dull to me. I love the obscene, but it must have wit in it.

5. As for politics, I always go to national conventions, and have missed very few in 28 years.

6. Of my inventions I am vainest of Bible Belt, booboisie, smuthound and Boobus americanus.

7. I have been in the Johns Hopkins Hospital but once, and then it was for medicine, not for surgery. I think all of the Baltimore hospitals are good, but prefer those run by nuns.

8. I changed my collar to a lower level two years ago.

9. I never use mullen on my hair. Nothing but soap and water ever touches it. George has gone gray greasing his hair.

10. I believe in marriage, and have whooped it up for years. It is the best solution, not only of the sex question, but also of the living question. I mean for the normal man. My own life has been too irregular for it: I have been to much engrossed in other things. But any plausible gal who really made up her mind to it could probably fetch me, even today. If I ever marry, it will be on a sudden impulse, as a man shoots himself. I’ll regret it bitterly for about a month, and then settle down contentedly.

11. I believe in and advocate monogamy. Adultery is hitting below the belt. If I ever married the very fact that the woman was my wife would be sufficient to convince me that she was superior to all other women. My vanity is excessive. Wherever I sit is the head of the table. This fact makes me careless of ordinary politeness. I don’t like to be made much of. Such things please only persons who are doubtful about their position. I was sure of mine, such as it is, at the age of 12.

12. Pilsner should be in Roman type, and begin with a capital.

13. I usually lie to women. They expect it, and it is pleasant to watch them trying to detect it. They seldom succeed. Women have a hard time in this world. Telling them the truth would be too cruel.

14. I am completely devoid of religious feeling. All religions seem ridiculous to me, and in bad taste. I do not believe in the immortality of the soul, nor in the soul. Ecclesiastics seem to me to be simply men who get their livings by false pretenses. Like all rogues, they are occasionally very amusing.

15. I can’t get rid of certain superstitions, and suspect that there must be some logical basis for them. My mother and father both died on the 13th.

16. I am always in trouble around Christmas, and usually about a woman. The fact makes me dread the season.

17. I have another superstition: that all men who try to injure me die. I happens almost invariably. Of the six bitterest enemies I had two years ago, five are dead, all suddenly and unexpectedly.

18. My belief is that happiness is necessarily transient. The natural state of a reflective man is one of depression. The world is a botch. Women can make men perfectly happy, but they seldom know how to do it. They make too much effort: they overlook the powerful effect of simple amiability. Women are also the cause of the worst kind of unhappines

19. I have little belief in human progress. The human race is incurably idiotic. It will never be happy.

20. I believe the United States will blow up within a century. [Sixteen years to go — MP]

21. Being an American seems amusing to me, but not exhilirating. But I am very proud of the fact that I am a native and citizen of the Maryland Free State. I like to believe that I have had a hand in keeping it free.

22. I hope to write at least one good book before I die. Those that I have done are all transient and trivial: they will be forgotten in 25 years. I have ideas for five good books, but shall be content if I manage to write one.

23. I live pretty well, but am careful about money, and greatly dislike extravagant persons. I believe that it is discreditable to be needy. Economic independence is the foundation of the only sort of freedom worth a damn.

24. Most people regard me as very energetic. I am actually very lazy, and never work when I don’t want to. On most days I take a nap. I also take frequent short holidays. But I dislike long ones.

25. I drink exactly as much as I want, and one drink more.

26. I never lecture, not because I am a bad speaker, but simply because I detest the sort of people who go to lectures, and don’t want to meet them. So with the fools who go to public dinners.

27. I have been reported engaged during the past year to six women. It consoles me to reflect that all were charming, and that all save five were beautiful. The total net worth ran to $2500.

28. I dislike receiving presents, and never accept them if I can get out of it. But I like giving them to women and children. Many a worthy gal has lost a handsome beau by giving me something nifty.

29. My apologies for inflicting so long a letter upon you.

Yours,

(Signed, ‘Mencken’)

Required To Be Adults

Here’s some common sense about taxes and the welfare state, from William Voegeli.

Déjà  View

We’re still up in Cape Cod, very busy the past few days with chores and domestic duties as we get ready to head back to Gotham. I’ve got nothing new to offer tonight, so I thought I’d repost an old item (something I don’t think I’ve ever done before): a favorite Wellfleet-themed entry from three years ago.

Here.

More From Sam Harris On Free Will

This entry is part 11 of 15 in the series Free Will

Sam Harris has posted a follow-up to his free-will article, here. He expands on his reasons for believing that our commonsense intuitions about free will are false (no argument from me), but says nothing further about the moral-responsibility issues we discussed in our recent post.

Shoot The Messenger

Because I’ve been away on vacation since the middle of last week, and am somewhat out of touch, I missed some very bad news out of Pakistan: the disappearance of the outstanding Asia Times Pakistani bureau chief, Syed Saleem Shahzad. It is now revealed to be murder, by agents unknown.

NightWatch’s John McCreary comments:

Pakistan: Special comment: On 31 May, the body of Asia Times on Line’s Pakistan bureau chief Syed Saleem Shahzad was found near Gujarat, about 93 miles from Islamabad. He had been missing for several days. He was kidnapped, beaten and tortured, according to the police. Some observers have opined that his exposure of al Qaida or Pakistani Taliban infiltration of the Pakistan armed forces, the Navy in particular, prompted retaliation by Pakistani intelligence. No group has claimed responsibility for the murder.

Shahzad had sources on Afghanistan and Pakistan unlike any other journalists reporting on these countries. His insights were challenging and deserved careful consideration. His explanations always were thought-provoking. His predictions were spot on. He was one of the best analysts reporting on Pakistan.

According to the BBC, “human rights groups recently called Pakistan the most dangerous place in the world for journalists to operate, saying they were under threat from Islamist militants but also Pakistan’s military and intelligence agencies.”

We have followed Mr. Shahzad’s reporting for some time now. To readers in the West he was an incomparable resource, and his murder will, as his assassins intended, close one of the few remaining windows into Pakistan’s dark and dangerous interior.

The Buck Stops Nowhere

This entry is part 10 of 15 in the series Free Will

In a new article, Sam Harris argues that common notions of free will are incoherent, and are almost certainly at odds with reality.

The problem is that no account of causality leaves room for free will — thoughts, moods, and desires of every sort simply spring into view — and move us, or fail to move us, for reasons that are, from a subjective point of view, perfectly inscrutable. Why did I use the term “inscrutable” in the previous sentence? I must confess that I do not know. Was I free to do otherwise? What could such a claim possibly mean? Why, after all, didn’t the word “opaque” come to mind? Well, it just didn’t — and now that it vies for a place on the page, I find that I am still partial to my original choice. Am I free with respect to this preference? Am I free to feel that “opaque” is the better word, when I just do not feel that it is the better word? Am I free to change my mind? Of course not. It can only change me.

There is a distinction between voluntary and involuntary actions, of course, but it does nothing to support the common idea of free will (nor does it depend upon it). The former are associated with felt intentions (desires, goals, expectations, etc.) while the latter are not. All of the conventional distinctions we like to make between degrees of intent — from the bizarre neurological complaint of alien hand syndrome to the premeditated actions of a sniper — can be maintained: for they simply describe what else was arising in the mind at the time an action occurred. A voluntary action is accompanied by the felt intention to carry it out, while an involuntary action isn’t. Where our intentions themselves come from, however, and what determines their character in every instant, remains perfectly mysterious in subjective terms. Our sense of free will arises from a failure to appreciate this fact: we do not know what we will intend to do until the intention itself arises. To see this is to realize that you are not the author of your thoughts and actions in the way that people generally suppose.

Good so far. Next, he acknowledges the concern this raises regarding moral responsibility:

The great worry is that any honest discussion of the underlying causes of human behavior seems to erode the notion of moral responsibility. If we view people as neuronal weather patterns, how can we coherently speak about morality? And if we remain committed to seeing people as people, some who can be reasoned with and some who cannot, it seems that we must find some notion of personal responsibility that fits the facts.

Happily, we can.

Really? It’s no easy trick, that.

Well, after reading the rest of Dr. Harris’s essay I have to say don’t think he pulls it off; the argument he puts forward leaves very little room indeed for anything most people would recognize as moral responsibility. As Daniel Dennett said somewhere in one of his books on the subject, “if you make yourself small enough, you can externalize everything” — and Dr. Harris seems to be making the domain of responsible human agency very small indeed. He gives specific examples in which responsibility is mitigated by 1) extreme youth, 2) youth + parental abuse, 3) passion + parental abuse, 4) psychopathy, and 5) brain disease; he also tosses in “bad genes, bad parents, bad ideas, and bad luck”. He does offer a sop at the end; a glimpse of what actual blameworthiness might look like:

If, after weeks of deliberation, library research, and debate with your friends, you still decide to kill the king — well, then killing the king really reflects the sort of person you are.

But given what he has just finished telling us about the inscrutable neural processes that underlie even our preferences, valuations, and volitional acts, it’s hard to see why he would see any of the above as conferring “real” responsibility (as opposed to ascribed responsibility, which is, I think, the best we can do, and is in fact quite good enough).

Now he may be quite right about this: there may be an awful lot less “could have done otherwise” in our actions than we’d like to think, and indeed I’d say it’s neither incoherent nor indefensible to assert that there is actually none at all. But the hard job is to make that compatible with a meaningful and satisfying concept of moral responsibility — and I can’t see that Dr. Harris has managed that here, or even given it much of a try.

Am I missing something? Perhaps I am. Read the whole thing here.

Don’t Let The Door Hit Ya…

Big news for Wolverines fans: Tressel’s out at Ohio State. Story here.

Wild Kingdom

It’s a quiet holiday weekend, and I’ve nothing much to write about. The only major news from here on Hiram Hill is that a fox going by the name of Wily Willy seems to have taken up residence under our deck. He’s an elusive critter, but earlier today I did manage to whip out my phone and snap a shot of him through the living-room window as he trotted by. Here he is:

Junies

We’ve decamped for a few days to the woods near Wellfleet Harbor, and on this warm late-May evening there are some huge insects storming the screens at the doors and windows. June-bugs, I figured they must be, and wanting to know a little more I Googled junebugs Cape Cod.

Here’s what I found. Massachusetts has a special charm that’s all its own.

We Try To Please

Ah, the Shaggs — a pebble in our shoe, a nagging reminder of the dimensionless infinitude of Man (or in this case, three teenage girls).

Our friend Jeffery Hodges cracks open the door for a little peek.

Beta Test

Lawrence Auster, in a post commenting on the idiotic and occasionally dangerous fad known as “planking” (in which people take photos of themselves stretched out horizontally in odd locations), suggests that plankers deserve a Darwin Award.

So far, so good, and I quite agree. But Mr. Auster, who has an intellectually unfortunate antipathy to Darwinism, took the opportunity once again to rail against it (or to rail, I should say, against what he imagines Darwinism to be).

We read:

Collective suicidal behavior meriting the Darwin Award is no joke. Given the immigration and race policies that are being assiduously followed by every historically white country, the entire white race arguably deserves the Darwin Award. Which raises an interesting question. How can Darwinian evolution, consisting of random genetic mutations which are naturally selected because of their power to help their possessors survive and produce offspring, have produced an entire race that is committing suicide? The wholesale adoption of Darwin Award-winning behavior by the white race would seem to suggest that the Darwinian theory of evolution is not true.

Mr. Auster’s post has touched off a long thread at Mangan’s, but as far as I can tell the main point has been missed all round, more or less, so I’ll just make it briefly here.

That point is that we humans embody a disruptive evolutionary innovation. On our little branch of life’s tree (and so far as we know, only on our little branch), evolution has found an unusual corner of design space: one in which behavior is controlled not only by instinct, but also by culture and memetics. We might say that humans are the first general-purpose behavior machines — or to use a computer metaphor, the first in which hard-wired behavior has to any great extent been replaced (and even in our case only partially so, I hasten to add) by the ability to load and run software.

That has given us extraordinary flexibility, and the coupling of cultural/memetic evolution to biological evolution has meant that from a behavioral standpoint, human populations can “speciate” in very short intervals (I use the word “speciate” metaphorically here, of course).

What this means is that even more or less biologically identical human populations can have very different outcomes depending on the “software” they run. The results, however, can be every bit as “Darwinian” as you like; the wages of memetic maladaptation is still extinction. (As an extreme example, consider the Shakers, who incorporated into their behavioral software the rule that they mustn’t have children. There are no longer any Shakers.)

So the answer to the question (leaving aside for now the premise of the particular example):

How can Darwinian evolution, consisting of random genetic mutations which are naturally selected because of their power to help their possessors survive and produce offspring, have produced an entire race that is committing suicide?

…is this: that natural selection’s contribution to the scenario was simply the creation of a flexible machine for running behavioral software. That some software, however, might contain lethal bugs is itself no more an indictment of Darwinism than is the historical fact that the fate of nearly every species that has ever lived has been extinction.

Mr. Auster also wrote this, in response to a commenter who said that his example might be a case of previously adaptive behavior becoming maladaptive in a changed environment:

A new or changed environment can explain a species dying out. But it can’t explain a species systematically adopting an entirely new behavior leading to its destruction, since the new behavior, not enhancing survival and reproduction, would not be naturally selected.

But this gets the temporal sequence exactly backward: first comes variation (the new behavior), and then selection. “Destruction” — i.e. extinction — is how selection does its work. In other words: mutation proposes, selection disposes.

Stuff To Read

For tonight, four foreign-affairs items:

First: A transcript of Mr. Netanyahu’s speech to Congress.

Second: When Vladimir Putin had to step aside in 2008 to honor Russia’s term-limit laws, he selected his chief of staff, Dmitry Medvedev, to keep his seat warm. Now Mr. Putin, eligible to run again in 2012, wants it back — but his former servant, now master, may no longer be inclined to play along. As Paul Gregory argues here, we should hope Mr. Medvedev prevails.

Third: An article from George Friedman at STRATFOR: Obama and the Arab Spring. An excerpt:

Let me repeat something I have said before: All demonstrations are not revolutions. All revolutions are not democratic revolutions. All democratic revolutions do not lead to constitutional democracy.

The Middle East has seen many demonstrations of late, but that does not make them revolutions. The 300,000 or so demonstrators concentrated mainly in Tahrir Square in Cairo represented a tiny fraction of Egyptian society. However committed and democratic those 300,000 were, the masses of Egyptians did not join them along the lines of what happened in Eastern Europe in 1989 and in Iran in 1979. For all the media attention paid to Egypt’s demonstrators, the most interesting thing in Egypt is not who demonstrated, but the vast majority who did not. Instead, a series of demonstrations gave the Egyptian army cover to carry out what was tantamount to a military coup. The president was removed, but his removal would be difficult to call a revolution.

And where revolutions could be said to have occurred, as in Libya, it is not clear they were democratic revolutions. The forces in eastern Libya remain opaque, and it cannot be assumed their desires represent the will of the majority of Libyans ”” or that the eastern rebels intend to create, or are capable of creating, a democratic society. They want to get rid of a tyrant, but that doesn’t mean they won’t just create another tyranny.

Then, there are revolutions that genuinely represent the will of the majority, as in Bahrain. Bahrain’s Shiite majority rose up against the Sunni royal family, clearly seeking a regime that truly represents the majority. But it is not at all clear that they want to create a constitutional democracy, or at least not one the United States would recognize as such. Obama said each country can take its own path, but he also made clear that the path could not diverge from basic principles of human rights ”” in other words, their paths can be different, but they cannot be too different. Assume for the moment that the Bahraini revolution resulted in a democratic Bahrain tightly aligned with Iran and hostile to the United States. Would the United States recognize Bahrain as a satisfactory democratic model?

The central problem from my point of view is that the Arab Spring has consisted of demonstrations of limited influence, in non-democratic revolutions and in revolutions whose supporters would create regimes quite alien from what Washington would see as democratic. There is no single vision to the Arab Spring, and the places where the risings have the most support are the places that will be least democratic, while the places where there is the most democratic focus have the weakest risings.

As important, even if we assume that democratic regimes would emerge, there is no reason to believe they would form a coalition with the United States. In this, Obama seems to side with the neoconservatives, his ideological enemies. Neoconservatives argued that democratic republics have common interests, so not only would they not fight each other, they would band together ”” hence their rhetoric about creating democracies in the Middle East. Obama seems to have bought into this idea that a truly democratic Egypt would be friendly to the United States and its interests. That may be so, but it is hardly self-evident ”” and this assumes democracy is a real option in Egypt, which is questionable.

Obama addressed this by saying we must take risks in the short run to be on the right side of history in the long run. The problem embedded in this strategy is that if the United States miscalculates about the long run of history, it might wind up with short-term risks and no long-term payoff. Even if by some extraordinary evolution the Middle East became a genuine democracy, it is the ultimate arrogance to assume that a Muslim country would choose to be allied with the United States. Maybe it would, but Obama and the neoconservatives can’t know that.

But to me, this is an intellectual abstraction. There is no Arab Spring, just some demonstrations accompanied by slaughter and extraordinarily vacuous observers. While the pressures are rising, the demonstrations and risings have so far largely failed, from Egypt, where Hosni Mubarak was replaced by a junta, to Bahrain, where Saudi Arabia by invitation led a contingent of forces to occupy the country, to Syria, where Bashar al Assad continues to slaughter his enemies just like his father did.

Fourth: Barry Rubin on the Arab Spring, and what to expect in the fall.

A Mighty Wind

I’ve been busy mixing at the moment, and completely out of touch, with no time for following up on matters blogospheric (comment-thread rebuttals, etc.). Back in harness shortly, insh’Allah.

One thing I have seen is the utter devastation in Joplin, MO — and tonight I heard a meteorologist saying something like: “those were little tornadoes, but tomorrow, when the sun boils up all that moisture and a disturbance comes down out of the Rockies, there are likely to be big tornadoes all over the Midwest.”

That’s horrifying. This whole tornado thing is getting really out of hand, I have to say; we even had one here in Brooklyn last year. It’s getting almost, well, Biblical.

Droit de Seigneur

Mark Steyn weighs in on the DSK affair. A morsel:

As the developed world drowns under the weight of Big Government, the gilded princelings of statism will hunker down in their interior courtyards and guard their privileges ever more zealously. Once in a while, as in that Manhattan hotel suite, a chance encounter between the seigneurs and their subjects will go awry, but more often, as in the Geithner confirmation, it will be understood that the Great Men of the Permanent Governing Class cannot be bound by the rules they impose on the rest of you schmucks.

Whole thing here.

Bist Meshugeh?

If you missed it: here’s Prime Minister Netanyahu, explaining reality yesterday after his conversation with the President.

Barry, Bibi, Geography

Given the tone of President Obama’s Middle East speech yesterday, I expect it will be a very lively sit-down with Benjamin Netanyahu today. Awaiting reports.

There was a lot to comment on (e.g. the speech’s thematic Bush-era neoconservatism, the call for “1967” borders, the lack of any mention whatsoever of either Islam or Saudi Arabia, and plenty more) but I’ve no time at the moment. The oddest line by far, though, was this:

The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and reach their potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state.

What???

You can bet that’s bound to come up in today’s little chat.

*        *        *

Update:

The Syrian people have shown their courage in demanding a transition to democracy. President Assad now has a choice: he can lead that transition, or get out of the way.

…or not…

Groupthink

A couple of days ago, David Brooks wrote a column about the evolution of morality by group selection, an idea that is finally gaining broader acceptance. I’m glad to see that happening; the group-selection model provides such a solid foundation for an evolutionary account of the origins of religion and morality that I was persuaded of its validity some time ago, and have been banging the drum (here, for example) ever since. (Mind, it’s still seen as heresy by many in the field; I know Richard Dawkins, for one, is a staunch opponent. But science advances, as they say, funeral by funeral.)

Anyway, it’s understandable that secular types and metrocons like Mr. Brooks would happily embrace the emerging view that group selection is the explanatory basis of human morality; without it, altruism was a nagging loose end for the naturalistic worldview. Mr. Brooks writes:

The story of evolution, we have been told, is the story of the survival of the fittest. The strong eat the weak. The creatures that adapt to the environment pass on their selfish genes. Those that do not become extinct.

In this telling, we humans are like all other animals ”” deeply and thoroughly selfish. We spend our time trying to maximize our outcomes ”” competing for status, wealth and mating opportunities. Behavior that seems altruistic is really self-interest in disguise. Charity and fellowship are the cultural drapery atop the iron logic of nature.

All this is partially true, of course. Yet every day, it seems, a book crosses my desk, emphasizing a different side of the story. These are books about sympathy, empathy, cooperation and collaboration, written by scientists, evolutionary psychologists, neuroscientists and others. It seems there’s been a shift among those who study this ground, yielding a more nuanced, and often gentler picture of our nature.

Yes, very uplifting indeed. But before we all float away on a fragrant cloud of nuanced, cooperative gentleness, I’ll point out that the “iron logic” of Darwinism is still very much the same. The “story of natural selection” now includes the survival of the fittest group, that’s all. The strong still eat the weak, but now we must also keep in mind that the strong groups eat the weak groups, too. The groups that adapt to their environment pass on their genes. Those groups that do not, become extinct.

The same process that selects for “sympathy, empathy, cooperation and collaboration” within groups also selects for high cohesion (tribalism, religious zeal), hostility toward those outside the group (racism, xenophobia), and competing successfully as a group against other groups (war).

Furthermore, as I argued here, the new moral naturalists are trying to pull a bit of a fast one as far as “objective” morality is concerned; at the very least, what they are willing to settle for as an objective basis for defining good and evil will leave many unsatisfied.

But having said all that, I’ll stop carping. It’s gratifying to see the idea of group selection gaining traction.

Read Mr. Brooks’s column here.

Yikes!

Here’s rock-climber Dean Potter, relaxing at Yosemite.

At The Breaking Point

I meant to post this link from STRATFOR a week or so ago, when it first landed in my inbox (but better late than never): a short, sharp summary of the strategic relationship between the US and Pakistan.

Here.

Forever Young

Biologists use the term “neoteny” to describe the retention of juvenile characteristics in an organism’s adult form. Humans exhibit neoteny in many of the morphological features that distinguish us from our primate cousins: our big heads, big brains, small jaws, thin skulls, small teeth, and lack of body hair.

Thinking back the other day on my recent visit to Google, it occurred to me that the place is a hotbed of neoteny. There are toys and playrooms everywhere, and beds for taking naps. On every floor there are little snack-bars decorated in various happy themes. Working hours are unstructured. Everybody eats together, and nobody pays for food. Everybody’s dressed in T-shirts, jeans, and sneakers, and they even push themselves around the building on little scooters.

Once I got to thinking about it, I realized our whole culture has become more and more neotenous. If you look at photos and movies from the mid-twentieth century, it’s striking how grown-up everybody seemed — the men in their suits and hats, the women in their smart dresses. Children knew their place, and adults had serious work to do. Grown-ups smoked, and drank, and ate grown-up food. When they went out at night, they dressed up. They learned penmanship in school, and wrote letters. Popular music was written by people like Cole Porter and Duke Ellington, and the songs had witty, printable lyrics. Tough men vied for beautiful women.

And today? Comic books as literature. “Business casual.” Ill-mannered children in expensive restaurants. Britney Spears. Kanye West. Grown men wearing little safety helmets to ride their bicycles to work. Unfettered impulsiveness as regards almost everything. An infantilizing obsession, in all aspects of public life, with never hurting anyone’s feelings. Unisex everything, just like in kindergarten.

It’s cultural neoteny.

 

 

Snap!

From James Taranto, on l’affaire Strauss-Kahn:

What’s the difference between an orthodox Marxist and a French Socialist? The French guy thinks the state should seize the means of reproduction.

Cheers!

Here you have it, from Stephen Hawking:

“I regard the brain as a computer which will stop working when its components fail. There is no heaven or afterlife for broken down computers; that is a fairy story for people afraid of the dark.”

Charm, Beauty, And Friendly Service

I’ve had no time for writing much of anything today, so for tonight here’s an amusing relic from a bygone age of the world: the 1968 Playboy Club Bunny Manual.

Spring Forward, Fall Back

Ah, the Arab Spring — that sweet season, so long overdue, in which secular democracy began at last to bloom in the Muslim nations of the Middle East, ending a long dark winter of tyranny, tribalism and theocratic oppression. Observers here in the West swooned at the sight of all those brave young people, their faces alight with hope, standing up as one to build a better future. We always knew, after all, that people everywhere are just like us, and so of course they want the same things we want: democracy, secular government, women’s rights, the many freedoms we take for granted, and above all Tolerance, Diversity, and Inclusiveness. (Maybe they weren’t ready for gay marriage just yet, but they’d get there once they got the hang of it all. Rome wasn’t built in a day.)

Alas, in the event the soil turns out not to have been as fertile as some had imagined. The “reformer” Bashar al-Assad is slaughtering his subjects in Syria. Hamas and Fatah have joined forces in Palestine. Saleh retains his grip on Yemen. The Gulf Cooperative Council’s armored formations have forcefully imposed order in Bahrain. The Libyan uprising has, with NATO’s help and the bumbling support of the USA, descended into civil war. And despite the absurd psychological projections of many here in the West, the “revolution” in Egypt that provided convenient cover for the military to oust Hosni Mubarak has led, as I expected, to ascendant Islamism — and to what has been, throughout history, one of Diversity’s most reliable blessings: gruesome sectarian violence, in this case renewed persecution of the Copts.

With regard to that last, I’ve been struck this week by the prevailing tendency of our news organizations to refer to these recent assaults as “clashes” — a term that, with its implication of symmetry, was no doubt carefully chosen to spare further amplification of Islam’s reputation for intolerance.

I’m not the only one, it seems. Andrew McCarthy comments here.

The Whole Internet Thing

Although there’s plenty in the political news to comment on (for example, President Obama’s immigration speech, and his telling businesses to “step up” and hire more workers), I just haven’t any time this week.

We do, however, have a prescient item by the late Douglas Adams, sent my way by my friend Howard Robinson.

Here.

Moebius Gears

The Sound And The Fury

Tonight, two items from Christopher Hitchens, who is, thankfully, still with us.

One of the things I’ve always admired most about Mr. Hitchens (apart from his razor-sharp intellect, his quick wit, his willingness to change his mind publicly when reason dictates, his debating skills, and his formidable prose style) is his marvellous speaking voice — a rich and beautifully accented baritone.

Now it seems that the cancer that may soon take his life has, with the cruelly playful sadism so characteristic of the disease, robbed him of the power of speech. He writes about it here.

In the second item, Mr. Hitchens responds to Noam Chomsky’s commentary on the death of Osama bin Laden.

Service Notice

Due to the demands of the workplace and a flurry of evening activities, I’ll not have much time for blogging this week, and things may be fairly quiet around here.

Now What?

Between a drumming gig in the wilds of rural New Jersey yesterday, and Mother’s Day doings today, it’s been one of those busy weekends. So for tonight, an analyst’s report sent our way by the indefatigable JK: Osama bin Laden’s Death: Implications and Considerations.

I haven’t had time yet to read it through myself, but I’m sure it will be of interest to some of you, at least.

Here.

The Proof

Well, predictably enough, the conspiracy theorists are out in force, alleging that the OBL operation was a hoax.

Fortunately, our network of embedded USN sources has sent us, by clandestine channels, incontrovertible evidence straight from the deck of the USS Carl Vinson (that’s CVN-70, to you InfoDiss readers).

This should, I think, put matters to rest:

Read More »

From The Mailbag

This just in, from a reader:

Read More »

Works For Me

When it comes to thinking about human consciousness and reason, people divide, broadly speaking, into two camps: those who see consciousness and reason as primary features of reality, and those who see them as emerging from the activity of suitably configured physical systems (in particular, human brains). For those in the first camp, consciousness is in some important sense prior to the physical brain, and reason apprehends and connects abstracta that have an existence independent of physically instantiated thinkers.

The contrasting view (and the one that I incline toward) is that consciousness arises, in some way that we do not yet understand, from the workings of the brain — which means that before there were any brains in in the world, there was no consciousness — and that reason is a practical affair, a Good Trick that we have learned as a highly effective (and therefore highly adaptive) way of modeling the world so as to predict those aspects of the future that have, over the eons, had some bearing on our reproductive success.

C.S. Lewis considered this physicalist view of reason to be “The Cardinal Difficulty of Naturalism”. Genuine Reason, he argued, must flow according to the logical relations between ground and consequent, while any form of “reason” instantiated as a purely physical system can only proceed according to physical cause and effect. Therefore, he argued, our Reason must cannot rest upon a purely physical foundation, or we wouldn’t be able to trust it.

For Lewis this was a sort of reductio ad absurdum: of course we do consider reason to be trustworthy, and so the only possible basis fit can possibly have is one that transcends the “merely” physical. But as I argued in a post some time ago, there’s another possibility: that our reason actually is quite limited and imperfect, in ways that are hard for us to see — just as we’d expect from a purely practical brain-based system that has been cobbled together over the eons by natural selection. Our trust, in other words, may go too far.

A great deal of clever experimentation and neuro-psychological research has been done since C.S. Lewis died (on November 22nd, 1963, by the way), and the peculiarities, defaults, and curious limitations of human cognition have become far more apparent. Among the more recent ideas about why we reason the way we do is one put forward by Dan Sperber and Hugo Mercier in a paper called Why Do Humans Reason? Arguments for an Argumentative Theory. Their premise? As Jonathan Haidt explains:

“Reasoning was not designed to pursue the truth. Reasoning was designed by evolution to help us win arguments.”

Here’s the abstract:

Reasoning is generally seen as a means to improve knowledge and make better decisions. However, much evidence shows that reasoning often leads to epistemic distortions and poor decisions. This suggests that the function of reasoning should be rethought. Our hypothesis is that the function of reasoning is argumentative. It is to devise and evaluate arguments intended to persuade. Reasoning so conceived is adaptive given the exceptional dependence of humans on communication and their vulnerability to misinformation. A wide range of evidence in the psychology of reasoning and decision making can be reinterpreted and better explained in the light of this hypothesis. Poor performance in standard reasoning tasks is explained by the lack of argumentative context. When the same problems are placed in a proper argumentative setting, people turn out to be skilled arguers. Skilled arguers, however, are not after the truth but after arguments supporting their views. This explains the notorious confirmation bias. This bias is apparent not only when people are actually arguing but also when they are reasoning proactively from the perspective of having to defend their opinions. Reasoning so motivated can distort evaluations and attitudes and allow erroneous beliefs to persist. Proactively used reasoning also favors decisions that are easy to justify but not necessarily better. In all these instances traditionally described as failures or flaws, reasoning does exactly what can be expected of an argumentative device: Look for arguments that support a given conclusion, and, ceteris paribus, favor conclusions for which arguments can be found.

It’s an interesting idea, though my first impression is that it sounds a bit all-or-nothing: while I can easily see how such social factors could have exerted a strong selection pressure, it seems to me that more objective feedback from the real world must have had a major role to play also.

But I’ve only just run across this, and haven’t yet read the paper (or the article linked below), so I can’t say yet if it makes a truly persuasive, well-reasoned argument.

Learn more here.

We’re Good

This just in, from my old friend Dave Pauley.

Me, Me, Me

From President Obama’s address on the death of Osama bin Laden:

…[S]hortly after taking office, I directed Leon Panetta, the director of the CIA, to make the killing or capture of bin Laden the top priority of our war against al Qaeda, even as we continued our broader efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat his network.

Then, last August, after years of painstaking work by our intelligence community, I was briefed on a possible lead to bin Laden. It was far from certain, and it took many months to run this thread to ground. I met repeatedly with my national security team as we developed more information about the possibility that we had located bin Laden hiding within a compound deep inside of Pakistan. And finally, last week, I determined that we had enough intelligence to take action, and authorized an operation to get Osama bin Laden and bring him to justice.

Today, at my direction, the United States launched a targeted operation against that compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan.

OK, now here’s a related item.

N.B. I make no warrant for the linked article’s veracity. But if we’ve got to the point where bloggers can’t spread vicious rumors and disseminate unsubstantiated material, then it’s pretty clear the terrorists have won.

Reeling Shadows

While everyone is concentrating on the details of the death of Osama bin Laden, and on what his extinction will mean for the War on Terror, the more interesting question is what will happen in Pakistan. Don’t be surprised if all hell breaks loose.

Our relationship with Pakistan is excruciatingly difficult. As a “secular democracy”, Pakistan is, ostensibly at least, the enemy of our enemy, jihadist Islam — but only sort of, as sympathies within the ISI and the military are clearly divided. At the same time, though, it is also the enemy of our friend: India.

Because Pakistan controls a nuclear arsenal, we have a clear interest in doing what we can to maintain a working relationship with its government and military (if a clear distinction can be made between them), and in doing what we can to prop them up against a determined fundamentalist insurgency of which a great many Pakistanis (not all of them civilians) are partisan supporters. To further this interest we provide a steady flow of money and weapons, despite the fact that much of our largesse ends up where we wouldn’t like to think of it going. (Particularly worrying, especially in light of recent proposals to send state-of-the-art drones to Pakistan, is the cozy relationship between Islamabad and Beijing; it is reasonable to assume that any technology we provide to Pakistan will end up being reverse-engineered in Chinese laboratories.)

Meanwhile the USA is deeply unpopular in Pakistan (viscerally loathed might be a better way of putting it), and so the government’s cooperation with America, and with the secular West generally, is an enormous political liability; the regime exists with the consent and loyalty of only a fraction of its people. Our uneasy alliance with Pakistan, in other words, is a costly one on both ends.

What, in turn, are Pakistan’s interests? As always, local trumps global, and along with its homegrown insurgency, Pakistan’s overarching concern is its contiguous foe, nuclear-armed India. The nightmare scenario for Pakistan would be if Afghanistan, once the US departs (as it inevitably will), were to fall under India’s sway; such an encirclement would be a strategic disaster, and Islamabad must do everything it can to prevent it. With this in mind Pakistan has, since at least the time of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, allied itself with various Afghan militias and tribal factions, to ensure that it can influence Afghanistan’s internal balance of power. These interests and alliances, however, no longer coincide with US interests in the region, as they did during the 1980s, and this divergence makes for a great deal of uncertainty and duplicity as regards tactical cooperation and the sharing of intelligence.

Finally, the secular regime stands on very shaky ground these days. There have been waves of assassinations in recent months — notably, killings of prominent secularist officials for their stand against blasphemy laws — and anti-Western, Islamist sentiment has been running very high indeed. The Raymond Davis case brought things very nearly to a boil, and civil violence now erupts at the slightest provocation. The place is a tinderbox, a powderkeg — choose your metaphor — and although Osama bin Laden may not have been a wildly popular figure in Pakistan, the idea that the Pakistani government sold him out to the US may be enough to light the fuse. Both the US and Pakistan are bending over backward to deny any involvement by Pakistan in the operation, but this is surely just a cover story, and I doubt many will be fooled by it.

Pakistan is the most dangerous place on earth right now. I wonder what will happen next.

Got Him

New York City thanks you, SEAL Team Six.

This will sharpen everything. Osama bin Laden has been such a potent symbol of American impotence that his death will be a jolt of electricity. We’ll see far-reaching effects, I think, quite out of proportion to any tactical, or even strategic, effect his death will have.

The political effect will be powerfully unifying, however briefly, and it can’t help but mute criticism of the administration. (I’d gladly give Mr. Obama a high-five myself — or fist bump, or whatever.) Crowds are gathering at the White House and Ground Zero, cheering and singing. Don’t be surprised to see the stock markets pop tomorrow.

I’m glad it isn’t October, 2012. (I’m sure there were those who were tempted to wait. Credit to them for not doing so.)

It’s late, and I haven’t combed the Internet yet to find out what I can about this, but I am very curious about Pakistan’s role here. Given the enormous compound Osama was living in, the ISI had to know where he was. Did they sell him out? That will be hard to keep secret, and when it gets out it will get hot in the streets over there. Did they not sell him out? Were they hiding him from us? That will get interesting too.

Now Osama is a martyr. Will that fan the flames of jihad? Have we poked a stick in the hornets’ nest?

I don’t think so: my feeling is that there’s little that could fan those flames any higher; at this point they’re pretty much self-fanning anyway. On the other hand, this could be a bracing tonic for the West, for a little while at least.

Should be an interesting few days.

Sans Souci

The lovely Nina and I are unwinding by the sea this weekend, and so soothing to the inflamed spirit are the fragrant littoral breezes, so dulcifying the clear spring sunshine, that it’s going to be hard for me to work up any of the partisan tirades and effusions of bitter gall that usually grace these pages, and that keep our loyal readers coming back for more.

Fortunately, readers B.H. and O.E.M. have sent along some items of interest: here, here and here.

Oh, and here’s a piquant item, courtesy of Lawrence Auster.

Got Yer Back

In the latest New Yorker there’s an article by Ryan Lizza called “Leading from Behind”, which presents the President’s recent foreign-policy tactics as a way to do things without exposing ourselves to charges of unilateralist swagger. In a recent blog entry, Lizza explains:

…at the heart of the idea of leading from behind is the empowerment of other actors to do your bidding or, as in the case of Libya, to be used as cover for a policy that would be suspect in the eyes of other nations if it’s branded as a purely American operation.

Well, Charles Krauthammer’s having none of it. Like it or not — and that’s really what’s at issue here — we are still the world’s dominant economic and military superpower. If that makes us unpopular in some circles — as it inevitably will, no matter how much “cover” we seek — so be it. Multilateral fig leaves aren’t fooling anyone, anyway, and if you worry more about pleasing everyone than being effective, you’ll get neither.

Krauthammer sums up (my emphasis):

We must lead from behind because we are reviled. Pray tell, when were we not? During Vietnam? Or earlier, under Eisenhower? When his vice president was sent on a good-will trip to Latin America, he was spat upon and so threatened by the crowds that he had to cut short his trip. Or maybe later, under the blessed Reagan? The Reagan years were marked by vast demonstrations in the capitals of our closest allies denouncing America as a warmongering menace taking the world into nuclear winter.

“Obama came of age politically,’ explains Lizza, “during the post”“Cold War era, a time when America’s unmatched power created widespread resentment.’ But the world did not begin with the coming to consciousness of Barack Obama. Cold War resentments ran just as deep.

It is the fate of any assertive superpower to be envied, denounced, and blamed for everything under the sun. Nothing has changed. Moreover, for a country so deeply reviled, why during the massive unrest in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen, Jordan, and Syria have anti-American demonstrations been such a rarity?

Who truly reviles America the hegemon? The world that Obama lived in and that shaped him intellectually: the elite universities; his Hyde Park milieu (including his not-to-be-mentioned friends, William Ayers and Bernardine Dohrn); the church he attended for two decades, ringing with sermons more virulently anti-American than anything heard in today’s full-throated uprising of the Arab Street.

It is the liberal elites who revile the American colossus and devoutly wish to see it cut down to size. Leading from behind ”” diminishing America’s global standing and assertiveness ”” is a reaction to their view of America, not the world’s.

Other presidents take anti-Americanism as a given, rather than evidence of American malignancy, believing ”” as do most Americans ”” in the rightness of our cause and the nobility of our intentions. Obama thinks anti-Americanism is a verdict on America’s fitness for leadership.

I don’t always agree with Dr. Krauthammer — his views on foreign policy lean more toward the neoconservative than mine do these days — but this is exactly right. What he describes is just what I hear from my liberal friends in academia, in the music biz, in my ultra-blue haunts of Park Slope and Wellfleet. It is a Zinn/Chomsky foreign policy; a policy of atonement.

Read Krauthammer’s essay here.

Golden Mean

If you look at any vigorous society in its prime, you see a healthy balance between rights and privileges. When either grows too much at the expense of the other, a nation declines: on the one hand toward impotent mediocrity, on the other into tyranny.